[5.] Si posset confici ista pax, sicut sumus in non parva spe, propter illas causas, quas ad reverendissimum dominum Premisliensem, 6 cum quo mihi notae occultiores 7 sunt, perscripsi, si, inquam, confici posset, essemus securi de salute Christianae Reipublicae, praesertim ob eum animum, quem certe magnum et excellentem in rege Christianissimo esse animadverti superioribus diebus, dum apud eum essem, 8 de quo ad Vestram Maiestatem proxime scripsi. 9 Sin minus, ego, quantumcunque cogitem, Sapientissime Rex, non video ullam aliam salutis nostrae rationem, 10 quam illam, de qua scio me aliquando ad Vestram Maiestatem scripsisse, et quam utinam ante perditum Belgradum ac dirutum Severinum 11 secuti fuissemus. Sed vetera sero querimur. Clementissime Princeps, unusquisque curat sua propria negotia, et nemo nostra, et alii Christiani sang uine Christiano inexplebiles sub tegmine alarum Vestrarum Maiestatum Sacratissimarum requiescunt. Sed de his satis, praesertim cum non sit sine periculo scribere veritatem.

[7.] De tumultu Germanico 12 mira scribuntur, sed illa scio Vestrae Maiestati quam nobis esse notiora. Affirmatur ex omnibus partibus Turcam pro hoc anno nos magna vi non agressurum. Sed hoc etiam, si verum esset, parum consolationis nobis praebere deberet, nisi quod per has moras exitium nostrum longius proferri ac prorogari videtur.

[8.] De rebus Barensis 13 scio Vestram Maiestatem a suis fieri certiorem. Si mihi ad caesarem eundum fuerit, et si quid me ibi Vestra Maiestas sibi in hoc servire voluerit, Krzycki, Bishop of Przemiśl. Brodarics uses cipher in several letters, which is only partially deciphered so far. 18  Brodarics visited the French King imprisoned by Charles V after the battle of Pavia (24 February 1525) in the town of Pizzighettone. Unfortunately, he misjudged Francis’ “noble heart”: he would recall this encounter in his report on the Battle of Mohács written 2 years later, and reproach the French ruler for promising help to Hungary against the Turks, something he did not keep. (“[...] regi Gallorum et illud in memoriam reducit [sc. Louis II], quid sibi in oppido Piczigetone captivus per oratorem suum [sc. Brodarics] de defendenda Hungaria et de ferendis, si Deus eum pristinae libertati restituisset, suppetiis promiserit [...]” See Stephanus Brodericus, De conflictu Hungarorum cum Solymano Turcarum imperatore ad Mohach historia verissima, Ed. Petrus Kulcsár, Budapest, 1985, 27–28.) 19  We do not have this letter. 10  Brodarics obviously alludes to peace to be signed with the Turks: the idea to bring the official state of war with the Turks, that began in 1521, to an end by peace agreement or armistice was considered several times in the Hungarian court but was rejected every time – partly under pressure from the Pope. The same considerations were spelled out in a letter to Sigismund on 10 June 1523, which shows that Brodarics had seen the situation clearly already then, and, as this letter demonstrates, it did not change much in 2 years. Brodarics’ warnings were heard in the Polish court at least. Sigismund, seeing the failure in Christian cooperation, signed peace with the Turks on 15 November 1525. Brodarics, in his first letter addressed to Piotr Tomicki and Andrzej Krzycki (6 September 1526), still expresses regret over the fact that Hungarians did not follow the Polish example (“O nos nunquam minus prudentes, quam tunc, cum consilia pacis cum Turco Vestris Dominationibus non suadentibus solum, sed hortantibus ac rogantibus etiam, non suscepimus.” See the letter by Brodarics on 6 September 1526.) 11  Nándorfehérvár (today: Beograd, Serbia) was occupied by the Turks on 29 August 1521; Bey of Nándorfehérvár Bali occupied Szörényvár (today: Turnu-Severin, Romania) in September 1524. 12  Reference to the German peasants’ war. 13  Brodarics had done services to Sigismund in connection to the Duchy of Bari before. (More on the case of the Duchy of Bari: AT, VIII. 295–379.) 17  16  Andrzej

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