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Epistulae, versio electronica. Brodarić, Stjepan 1490-1539 Petrus Kasza Hanc editionem electronicam curavit Neven Jovanović Digitalizat novoga znanstvenog izdanja (2012).
Mg:A Verborum 166 Ova elektronska verzija: Digitalizacija hrvatskih latinista, znanstveni projekt na Filozofskom fakultetu Sveučilišta u Zagrebu, Hrvatska.
Siječnja 2013 .Digitalna verzija: CroALa Broderits, István ; Kasza, Péter (ed.): Epistulae. Budapest : Argumentum Kiadó, 2012. Brodarić, Stjepan latinski 1505-1539 [summer of 1505?] Kreštelovac 1507 Buda 5. June 1508 Székesfehérvár 9. June 1508 Buda 29. August 1512 Buda 15. September 1512 Buda 20. August 1515 Pečuh [1515-1516] 25. March 1517 Buda 01. September 1522 Rome [22. October 1522] Vilnius [01. January 1523] Rome [15. January 1523] Rome [26. January 1523] Rome [February 1523] Kraków 18. February 1523 Kraków [around 15. May 1523] Kraków 1. June 1523 Buda 10. June 1523 Rome [July 1523] Kraków 18. August 1523 Rome [September 1523] Kraków 22. October 1523 Rome 16. November 1523 Rome 11. December 1523 Rome 12. January 1524 Bratislava 11. February 1524 Rome 11. February 1524 Rome 3. May 1524 Rome 3. May 1524 Rome 7. May 1524 Rome 21. August 1524 Vienna 04. November 1524 Buda 22. November 1524 Buda 04. December 1524 Buda 9. December 1524 Buda [21. February 1525] Buda [April 1525] Kraków 12. April 1525 Kraków [April 1525] Kraków 17. May 1525 Rome 20. May 1525 Rome 10. June 1525 Rome [12. June 1525] Kraków 4. July 1525 Rome 5. July 1525 Kraków 8. August 1525 Rome 13. September 1525 Buda prosa Litterae renatae (1400-1600) Saeculum 16 (1501-1600) 1501-1550 prosa oratio - epistula István Brodarics appeals to Grand Provost Albert Kasu for help against Bishop Lukács who accuses him with embezzlement.
Kreštelovac Zagreb Brodarić, Stjepan Kasu, Albert latinski [summer of 1505?] prosa Litterae renatae (1400-1600) Saeculum 16 (1501-1600) 1501-1550 prosa oratio - epistula Brodarics thanks Albert Kasu for the latter’s patronage and requests further support for himself and his kin in front of the Bishop of Zagreb.
Buda Zagreb Brodarić, Stjepan Kasu, Albert latinski 1507 prosa Litterae renatae (1400-1600) Saeculum 16 (1501-1600) 1501-1550 prosa oratio - epistula Brodarics gives a detailed account to Lardi of events and participants at the coronation of Louis II.
Székesfehérvár Unknown Brodarić, Stjepan Lodovico Taddeo dei Lardi (de Ferraria) latinski 5. June 1508 prosa Litterae renatae (1400-1600) Saeculum 16 (1501-1600) 1501-1550 prosa oratio - epistula Brodarics gives a detailed account of the child King’s marching in to Buda and participants of the procession to Taddeo dei Lardi three days after the coronation of Louis II.
Buda Unknown Brodarić, Stjepan Lodovico Taddeo dei Lardi (de Ferraria) latinski 9. June 1508 prosa Litterae renatae (1400-1600) Saeculum 16 (1501-1600) 1501-1550 prosa oratio - epistula 1. Brodarics reminds citizens of Kassa that he was of help to them in the past whenever he could be. – 2. He asks for a four-in-hand carriage from the town in recognition of his services and that it is to be sent to Buda by merchants going to the fair held at St. Nicholas Day.
Buda Košice Brodarić, Stjepan cives civitatis Cassoviensis latinski 29. August 1512 prosa Litterae renatae (1400-1600) Saeculum 16 (1501-1600) 1501-1550 prosa oratio - epistula Six years ago he left a manuscript of Janus Pannonius with a book merchant by the name of Jordan so that the latter would forward it to Aldus Manutius in order to print it. He requests Aldus to give the volume to the Hungarian King’s envoy, who is to arrive at Venice, if it has been printed.
Buda Venice Brodarić, Stjepan Manuzio, Aldo, 1450-1515 latinski 15. September 1512 prosa Litterae renatae (1400-1600) Saeculum 16 (1501-1600) 1501-1550 prosa oratio - epistula 1. Having heard that the position of the Provost of Jászó is vacant, he asks those in Kassa to give it to scribe Péter. Kristóf Darholczi also wrote about this to them. – 2. He and Darhoczi could have achieved with the Bishop that the Provostship goes to scribe Péter, but as advowson belongs to Kassa, they prefer to recommend their protégé to the town. – 4. People in Kassa should write a letter on behalf of scribe Péter, whose knowledge, morals and outstanding qualities make him worthy of recommendation.
Pečuh Košice Brodarić, Stjepan cives civitatis Cassoviensis latinski 20. August 1515 prosa Litterae renatae (1400-1600) Saeculum 16 (1501-1600) 1501-1550 prosa oratio - epistula Brodarics calls Cospi’s attention to a youngster who prepares for studies in Italy, even though he is not an old acquaintance of Cospi
Unknown Unknown Brodarić, Stjepan Cospi, Angelo Bartolomeo latinski [1515-1516] prosa Litterae renatae (1400-1600) Saeculum 16 (1501-1600) 1501-1550 prosa oratio - epistula István Brodarics and his family received coat of arms augmentation from King Louis II. The document discusses the earlier image of the coat of arms received for military merit in detail. Then it proceeds to describe the nature of augmentation and gives explanation.
Buda Unknown Brodarić, Stjepan Louis, II, King of Bohemia and Hungary, 1506-1526 latinski 25. March 1517 prosa Litterae renatae (1400-1600) Saeculum 16 (1501-1600) 1501-1550 prosa oratio - epistula 1. The Pope has arrived in Rome but has not received Brodarics in a public audience yet. However, he and Cardinal Medici have put forward Louis II’s request to him in a private interview that a legate or nuncio be sent to the Nuremberg Imperial Diet. – 2. Brodarics assures King Louis that that he could find no Pope more suitable for his purposes than Adrian. Marsupino has returned from Florence to Rome too. Now they work together on behalf of the King. – 3. He complains that he has no money and he doesn’t get any from the Fuggers in spite of the King having instructed them to lend him some. If he does not receive money soon, he will be compelled to sell everything he has and crawl back to Hungary in shame with barely one servant. – 4. He, too, deems the diplomatic mission to France mentioned by King Louis quite useful, but he cannot travel there without money.
Rome Buda Brodarić, Stjepan Louis, II, King of Bohemia and Hungary, 1506-1526 latinski 01. September 1522 prosa Litterae renatae (1400-1600) Saeculum 16 (1501-1600) 1501-1550 prosa oratio - epistula He has been informed about the sudden death of his envoy to Rome. Since he has nobody to conduct his business, he asks Brodarics to promote his interests in the papal court just as his envoys often represent the Hungarian King. Brodarics should achieve with the Pope that the Pope appoints the candidate of King Sigismund Bishop of Przemiśl Rafał for the vacant position of Bishop of Płock. Appointing anybody else would violate the rights of the country and create confusion.
[Vilnius] Rome Brodarić, Stjepan Sigismund I, King of Poland, 1467-1548 latinski [22. October 1522] prosa Litterae renatae (1400-1600) Saeculum 16 (1501-1600) 1501-1550 prosa oratio - epistula 1. Brodarics fulfilled Sigismund’s request and approached the Pope regarding the Płock bishopric and the matter of indulgences. Sigismund will learn the Pope’s answer from a letter to be sent through Anton Fugger. – 2. He informs Sigismund that the Pope holds him in the highest esteem among all Christian rulers, and he alone is considered the refuge of Christianity and also the only support of Hungarian King Louis. – 3. He says he is happy to be available for Sigismund because he knows that by serving Sigismund he is of service to his own master Louis.
Rome Unknown Brodarić, Stjepan Sigismund I, King of Poland, 1467-1548 latinski [01. January 1523] prosa Litterae renatae (1400-1600) Saeculum 16 (1501-1600) 1501-1550 prosa oratio - epistula 1. He put forth Sigismund’s request to the Pope again regarding the Płock bishopric, but this time Cardinal de Grassis, who had been away before, also spoke up to the Pope in this matter. – 2. He will learn the Pope’s answer from de Grassis’ letter. The Pope cannot be dissuaded from his earlier intention, so pushing the issue further is senseless. That is, benefices of those who died in the Town are handled differently in Rome. They try to get hold of such benefices themselves.
Rome Unknown Brodarić, Stjepan Sigismund I, King of Poland, 1467-1548 latinski [15. January 1523] prosa Litterae renatae (1400-1600) Saeculum 16 (1501-1600) 1501-1550 prosa oratio - epistula Brodarics, as instructed, held negotiations with the Pope again regarding the Płock bishopric. The King will learn the Pope’s intentions from the latter’s breve. The Pope shows goodwill towards him and is ready to please him in any way since he knows that the fate of Christianity is in a large part in Sigismund’s hands.
Rome Unknown Brodarić, Stjepan Sigismund I, King of Poland, 1467-1548 latinski [26. January 1523] prosa Litterae renatae (1400-1600) Saeculum 16 (1501-1600) 1501-1550 prosa oratio - epistula 1. Letters of Brodarics leave him in uncertainty regarding bishoprics of Płock and Przemiśl. – 2. He asks for clarification of the situation. Should the Pope decide otherwise than he wishes, he will in no way be diverted from his purpose.
[Kraków] [Rome] Brodarić, Stjepan Sigismund I, King of Poland, 1467-1548 latinski [February 1523] prosa Litterae renatae (1400-1600) Saeculum 16 (1501-1600) 1501-1550 prosa oratio - epistula 1. Krzycki expresses his joy over Brodarics’ letter to him. Neither long years nor distance made him forget their old friendship. – 2. He thanks for Brodarics’ congratulation to him for his appointment as Bishop of Przemiśl. He did not strive for it, did not even think of it. He is afraid, however, that a bishopric so near the Turks will hinder him in achieving his literary goals. – 3. He has been informed about the election of the Pope, and is worried that the situation of the church would not improve in Poland, especially due to schemes of the Czech. – 4. He has been informed that there are plots in Rome regarding the rest of his benefices, although he cannot accept the bishopric without those.
Kraków [Rome] Brodarić, Stjepan Krzycki, Andrzej, 1482-1537 latinski 18. February 1523 prosa Litterae renatae (1400-1600) Saeculum 16 (1501-1600) 1501-1550 prosa oratio - epistula 1. Sigismund cannot understand why matters of the bishoprics of Płock and Przemiśl take so long to settle, when the Pope does not benefit from this, but his candidates suffer considerable harm. – 2. He asks Brodarics to help his envoy to the Pope in every way since he will not allow settling the matter differently than what he had decided.
[Kraków] [Rome] Brodarić, Stjepan Sigismund I, King of Poland, 1467-1548 latinski [around 15. May 1523] prosa Litterae renatae (1400-1600) Saeculum 16 (1501-1600) 1501-1550 prosa oratio - epistula 1. He has learnt that a papal envoy arrives in Hungary with an aid of fifty thousand gold coins. This is needed badly for hiring mercenaries as soon as possible. – 2. The Turks occupied Wallachia again, and, together with the two Romanian voivodships and the Tatars they represent a serious threat to Transylvania and Szörény, and even the whole country. A significant Turkish force assembled already near Szörény which, although would not start an overall attack on the country, can cause considerable harm through minor attacks and occupying border fortresses. – 3. The Turks threaten Croatia. Lightning has hit the powdermagazine in Temesvár. It exploded and there is significant damage. He asks Brodarics to urge the Pope to give financial aid in any case. – 4. Louis does everything in his power to contain the Turks, but this is not a struggle between equals since it should not be the task of one sole king to defeat the lord of a whole empire. – 5. Brodarics should see to it that the papal court does not spend money allotted from tenths to anything but defence against the Turks.
Buda [Rome] Brodarić, Stjepan Louis, II, King of Bohemia and Hungary, 1506-1526 latinski 1. June 1523 prosa Litterae renatae (1400-1600) Saeculum 16 (1501-1600) 1501-1550 prosa oratio - epistula 1. Finally, success has been achieved in the matters of the bishoprics of Płock and Przemiśl. Cardinal Pucci fulfilled all the wishes of Sigismund; nevertheless, Brodarics himself did his utmost for success. – 2. New envoy of the King of England, Bishop of Bath has arrived. It is not known yet what suggestions he has regarding peace. Supposedly, the French King’s envoy is also on his way. – 3. He works day and night to obtain aid to King Louis; he hopes to squeeze out something after the lengthy procrastination. – 4. Cardinal Soderini is suspected of wanting to induce a riot in Sicily. He has been locked up in the Saint Angel Castle. Three cardinals investigate the case; no decision has been made yet. – 5. He says sorry to Sigismund for daring to interfere in matters that are perhaps beyond his scope, however, he does this for Sigismund and Hungary. – 6. It is said in Rome that Sigismund advised his cousin to consider signing peace or at least armistice with the Turks, since he is left on his own by Christian rulers. Brodarics feels Sigismund could not have given better or more beneficial advice, since he has been working on obtaining aid to Hungary sideby-side with Francesco Marsupino, and with the envoy of Archduke Ferdinand, for a whole year now, and received nothing but empty promises. Neither the Holy Seat nor other rulers can be counted upon, so Hungary and Poland themselves have to reach agreement with the Turks.
Rome Unknown Brodarić, Stjepan Sigismund I, King of Poland, 1467-1548 latinski 10. June 1523 prosa Litterae renatae (1400-1600) Saeculum 16 (1501-1600) 1501-1550 prosa oratio - epistula 1. Brodarics is thanked for his help so far regarding the matters of the bishoprics of Płock and Przemiśl. Following Brodarics’ advice, he uses a softer tone in writing to the Pope, even though he already displayed more self-control than what was suggested by his subjects in a matter in which his country and his adherents are wronged. – 2. Brodarics is asked to settle matters of the two bishoprics without further delay or difficulties; benefices of the Canon of Cracow should be sent to Opaliński.
[Kraków] [Rome] Brodarić, Stjepan Sigismund I, King of Poland, 1467-1548 latinski [July 1523] prosa Litterae renatae (1400-1600) Saeculum 16 (1501-1600) 1501-1550 prosa oratio - epistula 1. Várdai is informed that Archdean and Hungarian confessor in Rome János Lászai has been buried. Brodarics wants to recommend Imre Kálnai for the position to the Pope. He requests Várdai’s support so that the position does not fall into the hands of foreigners. – 2. He assumes, Várdai has learnt about the pact among Christian rulers reached on 5 August, which is favourable to Hungary.
Rome Unknown Brodarić, Stjepan Várday, Ferenc latinski 18. August 1523 prosa Litterae renatae (1400-1600) Saeculum 16 (1501-1600) 1501-1550 prosa oratio - epistula 1. Doctor Lucas has returned from Rome and reported about Brodarics’ diligence in the case of the Płock bishopric. Brodarics can therefore count on the King’s gratitude. – 2. He holds grudges for the matter has not been settled yet because of the increased sum of annata, even though this sum was designated for fight against the infidels. Thus, leaving it with the country would be more appropriate than increasing it and thereby ransack the country. – 3. Brodarics should intervene for a discussion of the letter by Bishop of Płock and for renunciation of an increase of annata.
[Kraków] [Rome] Brodarić, Stjepan Sigismund I, King of Poland, 1467-1548 latinski [September 1523] prosa Litterae renatae (1400-1600) Saeculum 16 (1501-1600) 1501-1550 prosa oratio - epistula 1. A new Pope has not been elected yet, even though the Cardinals have been in conclave since 1 October. Some suspect that they are waiting for the outcomeof the case of the French at Milan, so the election process may last for several further months. – 2. Sigismund’s letter on the Płock annata has been received. However, as long as there is no new Pope nothing can be done. He hopes Sigismund can reach an agreement at least with his cousin King Louis so that money allotted for the defence of Christianity gets to the proper place. – 3. The French are near Milan but suffer more damage than they cause. According to the Milan envoy they will soon withdraw since the French King is in the grip of a Spanish-English-German alliance.
Rome [Kraków] Brodarić, Stjepan Sigismund I, King of Poland, 1467-1548 latinski 22. October 1523 prosa Litterae renatae (1400-1600) Saeculum 16 (1501-1600) 1501-1550 prosa oratio - epistula 1. Várdai is informed in detail on the outcome of the trial about the will of János Lászai and on Várdai’s duties regarding this. He suggests accepting the agreement offered, since he cannot expect a better deal: the Pauline Fathers should get their 60 forints that is due, and the 200 forints that Lászai owed them according to his will. – 2. He asks Várdai to send also the 16 forints that Kálnai borrowed for the journey home and for which Brodarics vouched. – 3. There is still no Pope; the French are stationed at Milan; the Emperor is about to intrude in France from Navarra. – 4. Kálnai is brought into his attention again. Kálnai’s loyalty and knowledge make him worthy of becoming Archdean of Telegd.
Rome Unknown Brodarić, Stjepan Várday, Ferenc latinski 16. November 1523 prosa Litterae renatae (1400-1600) Saeculum 16 (1501-1600) 1501-1550 prosa oratio - epistula 1. He believes, he can report good news soon, since the new Pope Clement VII is ready to fulfil all of Sigismund’s wishes. – 2. There are no new pieces of news; the French are still in Italy; the Pope, partly due to Brodarics’ prompting, instructed three Cardinals to work on creating peace among Christian rulers, hopefully with good results.
Rome [Kraków] Brodarić, Stjepan Sigismund I, King of Poland, 1467-1548 latinski 11. December 1523 prosa Litterae renatae (1400-1600) Saeculum 16 (1501-1600) 1501-1550 prosa oratio - epistula 1. Nothing has been achieved concerning the Płock annata. The annata for Płock have always been 2000 ducats, and if Alexander VI or any other Pope asked for less on one or two occasions, this does not change what is due officially. On the other hand there is good news: Tomicki has been appointed Bishop of Cracow. – 2. The Pope and the Cardinals are equally inclined towards peace. However, chances are small for this to happen because the French King and his opponents stubbornly cling to their demands. Sigismund and Louis have to find other ways of protecting their countries.
Rome [Kraków] Brodarić, Stjepan Sigismund I, King of Poland, 1467-1548 latinski 15. December 1523 prosa Litterae renatae (1400-1600) Saeculum 16 (1501-1600) 1501-1550 prosa oratio - epistula 1. The Sultan spreads false rumours about his preparations for a war against Persia in order to lull Hungary and Europe to sleep, while spy reports and information from Voivods of Moldova and Wallachia suggest that he wants to attack Hungary in March in alliance with the Tatars. – 2. Knowing this, Ferdinand also sent an envoy to Rome to press for the aid. Brodarics should cooperate with the Austrian envoy fully. – 3. The Pope should order Legate Cajetan de Vio to pay the money he has for repairs of Hungarian border fortresses or the soldiers’ pay before more substantial aid arrives. – 4. Brodarics receives a copy of the letter by the Vice-Voivod of Transylvania as well as pieces of news from the Voivods. He can learn all about the Sultan’s plans from these.
Bratislava [Rome] Brodarić, Stjepan Louis, II, King of Bohemia and Hungary, 1506-1526 latinski 12. January 1524 prosa Litterae renatae (1400-1600) Saeculum 16 (1501-1600) 1501-1550 prosa oratio - epistula The inheritance of Hungarian confessor in Rome János Lászai, 147 ducats, should be deposited in the Altoviti bank according to the wishes of Philippus de Senis and Vincenzo Baldi.
Rome Unknown Brodarić, Stjepan Vafer, Theodor latinski 11. February 1524 prosa Litterae renatae (1400-1600) Saeculum 16 (1501-1600) 1501-1550 prosa oratio - epistula 1. He informs Ferdinand that the Count of Cordoba will give a detailed report of the news; even though the tenths will be collected, there is still little hope [for saving Hungary] if there will be no peace among Christian rulers. – 2. News came from Spalato, Croatia, to Venice that the Sanjak-Bey of Bosnia sent major infantry force to besiege Klissa and he will soon follow with a major force of cavalry. According to news from Constantinople, the Turks are busy with preparations both on land and water. Pope Clement is trying to bring food and ammunition to the besieged Klissa, but it is feared that it will arrive late.
Rome Unknown Brodarić, Stjepan Ferdinand I, Holy Roman Emperor, 1503-1564 latinski 11. February 1524 prosa Litterae renatae (1400-1600) Saeculum 16 (1501-1600) 1501-1550 prosa oratio - epistula 1. The fall of Ostrovica raised concerns in Rome. It is serious loss indeed, but more will follow, because the country’s resources are not sufficient to contain the ever strengthening Turks. – 2. 32,000 forints per year are spent on the borderland in Croatia only, even in peace time, and upholding Temesvár, Pétervárad, Szörény, and Titel, not to mention Jajca, costs enormous sums. So loosing Ostrovica is not due to negligence but to poverty. – 3. He is happy to hear that the Pope launched an investigation into the abuses around grain sent to Croatia, something that King Louis also called for. – 4. More favourable news about the situation in Hungary would probably boost the Pope’s good will, but this is possible only if His Holiness and Christian rulers help the country with deeds instead of lip service. – 5. He is pleased to hear that Legate Campeggio has arrive. He will hopefully be successful in combating Lutheran heresy and in stimulating German reigning princes to fight the Turks. He instructed his envoys to negotiate with Campeggio as well as Ferdinand. – 6. He is sorry to hear that the Emperor and the French King are still at war with each other. Archduke Ferdinand is trying to mediate through Andreas da Burgo; Louis supports him in this. – 7. Louis has been informed about the peace agreement between Turkey and Persia and about the Sultan’s plans for attack. Brodarics should therefore do all he can for the papal aid together with Marsupino and da Burgo. – 8. Even though the Sultan and the Shah signed peace, if the Pope agrees, it might still be useful to send Hannibal of Cyprus on a mission to Shah Sophi. – 9. He thanks the Pope for the money, weapons, and food sent to the Klissa castle with the help of Bishop of Scardona. – 10. Brodarics is forbidden to return home because of his tight financial situation since the Fuggers have been instructed to provide him with the needed money.
Buda [Rome] Brodarić, Stjepan Louis, II, King of Bohemia and Hungary, 1506-1526 latinski 8. March 1524 prosa Litterae renatae (1400-1600) Saeculum 16 (1501-1600) 1501-1550 prosa oratio - epistula He has learnt about the death of Archbishop of Esztergom György Szatmári; since benefices get rearranged in such cases, he asks Ferdinand to intercede on his behalf for remembering the absent envoy in Buda so that the latter’s services are rewarded with a smaller benefice at least; he asks for this only to be able to represent the Hungarian King in Rome better.
Rome [Vienna] Brodarić, Stjepan Ferdinand I, Holy Roman Emperor, 1503-1564 latinski 3. May 1524 prosa Litterae renatae (1400-1600) Saeculum 16 (1501-1600) 1501-1550 prosa oratio - epistula 1. He has learnt about the death of Archbishop of Esztergom György Szatmári; since benefices get rearranged in such cases, he asks Ferdinand’ to intercede on his behalf for remembering the absent envoy in Buda so that the latter’s services are rewarded with a smaller benefice at least; he asks for this only to be able to represent the Hungarian King in Rome better. – 2. There is no news. The Emperor’s army is still besieging the French at Novara. – 3. He is sending a copy of the letter by Persian Shah Sophi addressed to the Emperor and Louis II to Sigismund.
Rome [Kraków] Brodarić, Stjepan Sigismund I, King of Poland, 1467-1548 latinski 3. May 1524 prosa Litterae renatae (1400-1600) Saeculum 16 (1501-1600) 1501-1550 prosa oratio - epistula 1. News came from Constantinople that the Pasha of Cairo had been executed for revolting against the Sultan; the Pope, who is concerned that the Turks turn all their forces against Hungary, also confirmed this.; the Pope therefore does all he can and calls for peace among European rulers and also for sending aid to Hungary. – 2. The French suffered substantial defeat in Lombardy; nearly 1000 died, several officers were lost or injured. – 3. He asks Sigismund again to intervene for him with King Louis so that he can obtain some substantial benefice.
Rome [Kraków] Brodarić, Stjepan Sigismund I, King of Poland, 1467-1548 latinski 7. May 1524 prosa Litterae renatae (1400-1600) Saeculum 16 (1501-1600) 1501-1550 prosa oratio - epistula 1. King Louis sent him to Vienna to meet papal legate Campeggio and inform the latter about matters in Hungary and Bohemia. – 2. He assures the Pope that he and Chancellor Szalkai are both loyal to him. – 3. The Hungarians like Baron Burgio as if he was not from Sicily but Transylvania. – 4. Archduke Ferdinand is ready to protect Christianity at the cost of his life.
Rome Vienna Brodarić, Stjepan Clement VII, Pope, 1478-1534 latinski 21. August 1524 prosa Litterae renatae (1400-1600) Saeculum 16 (1501-1600) 1501-1550 prosa oratio - epistula 1. He has received Salviati’s letter dated 7 October. There is hope for putting an end to the schism in Bohemia; at least Baron Burgio and Chancellor Szalkai are working on it zealously as can be seen in de Burgio’s letters. – 2. If peace cannot be created among contentious Christian rulers, only God knows what awaits Hungary next spring. – 3. He does not yet know when he returns to Italy but a message was sent via Marsupino the other day. – 4. Another letter has been sent regarding the matter of the bishopric of Pécs, since the previous one got lost. Arriving at a decision would be important.
Buda Unknown Brodarić, Stjepan Salviati, Giovanni latinski 4. November 1524 prosa Litterae renatae (1400-1600) Saeculum 16 (1501-1600) 1501-1550 prosa oratio - epistula 1. He can present the reasons for his delay to the Pope soon in person: he was about to leave when Cardinal Campeggio was called to Buda unexpectedly after Ferdinand’s sudden departure. Archbishop of Esztergom László Szalkai, who is ready to act according to the wishes of the papal court, was of great service in this. – 2. He will report on the situation here after arriving in Rome; he does not want to burden the Pope with a lengthy letter now; the Pope can learn the essentials from Archdean Imre. He expresses his gratitude to the papal court and Baron Burgio for intervening on his behalf; now he is put under even stronger obligation if that is possible at all.
Rome Buda Brodarić, Stjepan Clement VII, Pope, 1478-1534 latinski 22. November 1524 prosa Litterae renatae (1400-1600) Saeculum 16 (1501-1600) 1501-1550 prosa oratio - epistula 1. Salviati should get 110 Hungarian gold coins of Brodarics’ money given to the man of Burgio. – 2. Legate Campeggio is expected for Christmas. After Campeggio’s arrival he himself can set out for Rome. He would regret if he didn’t find Salviati in Rome.
Buda Unknown Brodarić, Stjepan Salviati, Giovanni latinski 04. December 1524 prosa Litterae renatae (1400-1600) Saeculum 16 (1501-1600) 1501-1550 prosa oratio - epistula Brodarics puts forward a request from István and Ferenc Révay that the King affirm their land purchase agreement with Ambrus Rwchy, and should the King have any claims regarding the estate in question, transfer those to the Révay brothers.
Buda Unknown Brodarić, Stjepan Louis, II, King of Bohemia and Hungary, 1506-1526 latinski [9. December 1524] prosa Litterae renatae (1400-1600) Saeculum 16 (1501-1600) 1501-1550 prosa oratio - epistula Brodarics presents to the King a request from István Terjék and Palatine’s Secretary Ferenc Révay regarding their trial against Ferenc Szántói Botka.
Buda Unknown Brodarić, Stjepan Louis, II, King of Bohemia and Hungary, 1506-1526 latinski [21. February 1525] prosa Litterae renatae (1400-1600) Saeculum 16 (1501-1600) 1501-1550 prosa oratio - epistula 1. He has heard from Statileo that Brodarics is in Rome again as an envoy, something which he heard with satisfaction knowing Brodarics’ loyalty. – 2. He asks Brodarics to keep representing him and his subjects in their affairs and to keep informing him about developments.
[Kraków] [Rome] Brodarić, Stjepan Sigismund I, King of Poland, 1467-1548 latinski [April 1525] prosa Litterae renatae (1400-1600) Saeculum 16 (1501-1600) 1501-1550 prosa oratio - epistula Albrecht von Brandenburg, Grand Master of the Teutonic Order, made an oath of allegiance to Polish King Sigismund, and got the land he already had as feud.
Kraków [Rome] Brodarić, Stjepan Statilić, Ivan latinski 12. April 1525 prosa Litterae renatae (1400-1600) Saeculum 16 (1501-1600) 1501-1550 prosa oratio - epistula 1. He has learnt that the Observant Franciscans in Rome are trying to procure monasteries of the Conventuals in Bohemia and Poland, and it seems as if this was the intention of Sigismund too. – 2. He requests Brodarics to take steps against this, because this is exactly the opposite of what Sigismund wants who regards Conventuals highly because they are of great help in the fight against spreading heresy. Their Provincial, Marcus de Torre has a high reputation all over the country, so his withdrawal would be a serious loss for the Church here.
[Kraków] [Rome] Brodarić, Stjepan Sigismund I, King of Poland, 1467-1548 latinski [April 1525] prosa Litterae renatae (1400-1600) Saeculum 16 (1501-1600) 1501-1550 prosa oratio - epistula 1. He received several letters from Sigismund in recent days in which he is requested to intervene in certain affairs; he is happy to do this. – 2. He thanks for Sigismund’s intervention on his behalf with Louis II; he strives to repay Sigismund’s goodwill. – 3. According to Johannes Rudniczki’s report, the King’s request has been in part fulfilled, in part it will be put forward to the Pope tomorrow by Brodarics and Cardinal Pucci; Sigismund will be informed about the Pope’s answer promptly. – 4. The Pope is relentless in his attempts to create peace between the Emperor and the French King; Cardinal Giovanni Salviati has been ordered to stay with the Emperor as a legate; Brodarics has been sent with him. – 5. He trusts that peace can be attained; he wrote a ciphered letter about this to Bishop of Przemiśl Andrzej Krzycki; he trusts this most of all because of the noble heart of the French King with whom he negotiated not long ago and has written about it to Sigismund. If it fails there is no other way of saving Hungary than what he had already written to Sigismund [peace agreement with the Turks]; he wishes this had been done before losing Belgrade and Szörényvár, since nobody cares about the Hungarians, they all care only about themselves. – 7. All kinds of unbelievable things are being written about the German peasants’ war, but he believes that Sigismund has more information on this than he has; it is also said that the Turks will not attack Hungary this year but this is consolation only inasmuch as it gives some respite. – 8. If there is a need for intervention regarding the Duchy of Bari, he asks Sigismund to let him know; if he happens to be away from Rome, his fellow envoy Francesco Marsupino or Cardinal Lorenzo Pucci will forward letters addressed to him.
[Kraków] Rome Brodarić, Stjepan Sigismund I, King of Poland, 1467-1548 latinski 17. May 1525 prosa Litterae renatae (1400-1600) Saeculum 16 (1501-1600) 1501-1550 prosa oratio - epistula 1. He had no time to write a letter since he has arrived to Rome; on the other hand, he hasn’t received any news from Hungary. – 2. King of Poland made peace with the Grand Master of the Teutonic Order; more detail in the attached document. – 3. He hopes that Salviati’s mission for peace is on the right track. The Pope ordered Brodarics to join him for the time of the talks. – 3. Pietro Antoni Berri of Parma, envoy of Louis II to Salviati, has arrived in Rome. He asks Salviati to arrange a smaller benefice for Berri in his birthplace.
Rome Unknown Brodarić, Stjepan Salviati, Giovanni latinski 20. May 1525 prosa Litterae renatae (1400-1600) Saeculum 16 (1501-1600) 1501-1550 prosa oratio - epistula 1. Ha wants to return Salviati’s good will with deeds rather than words. – 2. Only Salviati’s company makes the expected hardships of the trip to Spain endurable. – 3. He has not yet received a letter from Hungary. Salviati can find his news on the attached page.
Rome Unknown Brodarić, Stjepan Salviati, Giovanni latinski 10. June 1525 prosa Litterae renatae (1400-1600) Saeculum 16 (1501-1600) 1501-1550 prosa oratio - epistula 1. He was pleased to hear that Brodarics is also sent to the Emperor with Salviati. He asks Brodarics to present the case of the Duchy of Bari to Charles. He was deprived of it without explanation, even though it was the Emperor himself who put him into its possession. He wrote about it to Cardinal Salviati as well as to his envoy to the Emperor Johannes Dantiscus. – 2. He also informed the envoy about how he had reached an agreement with the Grand Master of the Order and about his peace agreement with the Turks. He asks Brodarics to represent the Polish point of view in this case too.
[Kraków] [Rome] Brodarić, Stjepan Sigismund I, King of Poland, 1467-1548 latinski [12. June 1525] prosa Litterae renatae (1400-1600) Saeculum 16 (1501-1600) 1501-1550 prosa oratio - epistula 1. He has received Sigismund’s letter dated 12 June. The matter of the Duchy of Bari is going well, he was informed that it was passed to the representative of Sigismund. Regardless of this, he will do everything that Sigismund and Bona Sforza commit him to do. Cardinal Salviati will represent Sigismund in front of the Emperor in the case of the Duchy of Bari following instructions from Dantiscus. – 2. He does not travel to the Emperor in Spain. He himself does not know the reason; the Pope says that the relevant letter from King Louis arrived late. He would have been happy to serve the cause of peace among Christian rulers there too, and would have worked hard on setting King Francis free as instructed by King Louis. Such a mission would have been useful for the Polish and the Hungarian causes alike, because the prestige of the two Kings who carry the burden of war against Turkey by themselves could have helped reconciliation more than anybody else’s. – 3. The Pope received Sigismund’s excuses for starting peace negotiations with the Turks and the Teutonic Order with understanding. He would not be surprised if Louis II acted likewise. He knows that it is not their fault, since they have been containing enemies of Christianity for years by themselves, but it is the fault of other rulers who were impossible to persuade about the necessity of peace among them. – 4. The Pope’s position on the Knighthood has not changed and whatever he may write after the College of Cardinals, his intention is the same. Brodarics wishes King Louis followed Sigismund’s example in the matter of armistice with the Turks because if he does not do this in the hope of some support, the country’s fall is to be feared. – 5. He has no news on King Francis being taken to Spain. Hope for peace has not evaporated completely, but has diminished considerably. Janissaries in Constantinople rose demanding higher pay. Several houses were ransacked, that of Pasha Ibrahim among them. The Sultan suppressed the revolt with great difficulties and had to fulfil the demands of the soldiers. King Francis is said to have arrived in Barcelona on 17 June.
[Kraków] Rome Brodarić, Stjepan Sigismund I, King of Poland, 1467-1548 latinski 4. July 1525 prosa Litterae renatae (1400-1600) Saeculum 16 (1501-1600) 1501-1550 prosa oratio - epistula Brodarics has been very industrious in the matter of the Duchy of Bari. Bona Sforza is asking him to help their envoy Johannes Dantiscus in every possible way.
Kraków [Rome] Brodarić, Stjepan Bona Sforza 1494-1557 latinski 5. July 1525 prosa Litterae renatae (1400-1600) Saeculum 16 (1501-1600) 1501-1550 prosa oratio - epistula He has no new information since his last letter. He has heard that the riot is calming down slowly; Archduke Ferdinand’s troops set out to rescue Archbishop of Salzburg, who is being besieged by peasants.
[Kraków] Rome Brodarić, Stjepan Sigismund I, King of Poland, 1467-1548 latinski 8. August 1525 prosa Litterae renatae (1400-1600) Saeculum 16 (1501-1600) 1501-1550 prosa oratio - epistula 1. He arrived at Buda 21 days after leaving Rome. He found the King and the Queen on Csepel Island. He passed on the Pope’s message to them there. – 2. He has not yet received an answer regarding the matter of envoys to be sent to the Emperor. – 3. He told what the Pope commissioned him to tell to Archbishop of Esztergom László Szalkai who has preserved his old influence. – 4. He will learn about other matters from a letter from Baron Burgio.
Rome Buda Brodarić, Stjepan Clement VII, Pope, 1478-1534 latinski 13. September 1525 prosa Litterae renatae (1400-1600) Saeculum 16 (1501-1600) 1501-1550 prosa oratio - epistula Neven Jovanović 2013-01-06 Prva TEI XML verzija.1 István Brodarics to Albert Kasu1 Kristallóc,2 [summer of 1505?]3 Manuscript used: Georg Marcelović, Regesta diplomatum aliorumque documentorum, 230. NAZ Published: Ivan Tkalčić, Monumenta Historiae Zagrabiae, Zagrabiae, 1896, 48. István Brodarics appeals to Grand Provost Albert Kasu for help against Bishop Lukács who accuses him with embezzlement. In hoc meo acerbissimo negotio et causa, postquam nuper nil apud episcopum Zagrabiensem4 poteram obtinuisse, profectus fueram Zagrabiam, ibi sollicitavi omnes dominos meos de capitulo, ubi vidi rem desperatam, nemo erat, quem adirem, qui pro me domino supplicaret, praeter magnificum dominum Balthasarem de Batthyan;5 veni igitur ad eum, et Vestram Dominationem etiam deprecor, patronus sit mihi apud epi
episcopum Zagrabiensem. Iuro nunquam me negaturum hanc pecuniam, si apud me fuisset, quin potius adhuc in Italia cum ea studerem, siquidem voluntas episcopi Zagrabiensis ea fuit. Si quid Dominatio Vestra in me concepit odii ex litteris illius boni viri, illud deponat, nil in Vestram Dominationem commisi. Prodibit semel veritas, cognoscetur adhuc etiam per episcopum Zagrabiensem, quis habeat et apud quem sint illi 300 aurei.6 Vestra Dominatio non me deserat in hac necessitate. 2 István Brodarics1 to Albert Kasu Buda, 1507, [?, ?]2 Manuscript used: MOL, DF 232236 Brodarics thanks Albert Kasu for the latter’s patronage and requests further support for himself and his kin in front of the Bishop of Zagreb. Venerabilis Domine, Patrone Unice atque Observande. Post servitutis meae commendationem. Quod semper feci in litteris ad Vestram Dominationem missis hoc idem nunc quoque faciam. Gratias videlicet agam Vestrae Reverendissimae Dominationi de eius erga me humanitate ac beneficiis. Rogo autem eandem, ut semper hactenus, ita etiam imposterum commendatum me dignetur apud reverendissimum dominum3 reddere meosque omnes protegere. Quod ego Vestrae Dominationi Reverendissimae, dum vivam, reservire studebo. [...] et bene valere opto.
Ex Buda dominica proxima ante festum [...] Millesimo quingentesimo septimo Stephanus Brodarich decretorum doctor, servitor Vestrae Dominationis On the outer side: Venerabili Domino Alberto praeposito maiori Zagrabiensi, Domino mihi observando3 István Brodarics to Taddeo dei Lardi1 Székesfehérvár, 5 June 1508 Manuscript used: ASM, Ambasciatori, Ungheria, Busta 3. Published: Kujáni Gábor, Brodarics István levelezése, Történelmi Tár, 1908, 259–260. In Hungarian: V. Kovács Sándor (ed.), Magyar humanisták levelei XV–XVI. század, Budapest, 1971, 555–556. Brodarics gives a detailed account to Lardi of events and participants at the coronation of Louis II. Reverendissime Domine, Patrone Colendissime. Pro illa, qua semper Vestram Reverendissimam Dominationem unice colui, observantia nihil magis opto, nihil ferventiore desiderio cupio, quam Vestram Reverendissimam Dominationem intelligere aut iam convaluisse, aut certe in dies melius se habere.2 Quod, ut ita contingat, Deum Optimum Maximum precor, ut Tuam Dominationem Reverendissimam nobis cito incolumem cernere concedat.
Nova nulla habemus alia, nisi illa, quae iam puto per totum terrarum orbem divulgata: illustrissimum, immo serenissimum dominum Lodovicum (quod faustum felix totique reipublicae Christianae salutiferum sit) Dominica proxima post Ascensionem Domini,3 bonis avibus et melioribus auspiciis coronavimus. Ea ipsa coronatio, ut paucis multa perstringam, sic acta fuit: dominus Patriarcha4 divina celebravit officia. Dominus Quinqueecclesiensis5 et Varadiensis6 astiterunt pontificalibus induti, et alii episcopi minores. Inter initia missae, infans regius flens et vagiens et ob multitudinem territus primo inungitur, post ensem strictum ac deinde pomum aureum et sceptrum regale accipit. Post evangelium vero, antequam corona ei imponeretur, dominus
palatinus7 ex more ter quaesivit a dominis et regnicolis alta, ut ab omnibus, qui in templo aderant, exaudiri posset, voce, si vellent Lodovicum regem coronari. Qui quidem omnes unanimi consensu, uno ore acclamarunt se velle. Inter quos populi et nobilitatis clamores regia maiestas8 pro gaudio et laetitia adeo ubertim et large flevit, ut omnes ad lacrimas commoverit. Post huiusmodi responsum a populo datum, corona Lodovico flenti et ob clamores turbae eo magis territo imponitur, qui tandem coronatus in solium auratum, quod ad latus patris dextrum erat, locatur. Te Deum laudamus organo, tubis et campanis, voce populi concinitur. Tandem peraguntur divina, quibus finitis infans coronatus, palatino et comite Scepusiensi9 coronam super caput eius gestantibus tota nobilitate, tota curia praeeunte, universo populo hinc inde ad spectandum circumfuso, via panno rubro strata de consuetudine ad templum Divi Petri,10 quod non longe distat, ducitur, patre et sorore11 subsequente. Ubi in quadam sede vetusta, quam Sancti Stephani fuisse referunt, collocatur. Inde in reditu cum universis proceribus tam secularibus, quam ecclesiasticis, paucis, qui cum patre remanserant, exceptis, in curru aurato, qui, ut Vestra Dominatio optime novit, ei iampridem a domino Patriarcha datus fuerat, ad quoddam templum12 extra urbem ad unum milliare Italicum vectus est. Ubi ex consuetudine illo ense, qui ei inter sacra et cerimonias, ut dixi, fuerat datus, in quattuor partes secuit, et equo impositus est. Inde reversi, universi proceres lautissimo ac splendidissimo convivio sunt in aula regia excepti. Post prandium diversi ludi et militaria ludicra spectata.13 Haec volui Vestrae Reverendissimae Dominationi perscribere, ut, quando praesens haec spectare non potuit, habeat, unde singula cognoscat, in quo si vel prolixior vel incultior, quam decuisset, fui, det mihi veniam et prolixitatem quidem loquacitati, inelegantiam vero et characterum sordes partim inscitiae, partim occupationibus ascribat. Institueram ego tum ob celebritatem tantae rei, tum etiam ex commissione domini mei Quinqueecclesiensis14 orationem facere, sed ob infirmitatem regis et etiam quandam aliam ob causam, quae litteris non est committenda, oratio locum non habuit.
Vestram Reverendissimam Dominationem bene valere et cito ad nos incolumem redire cupio. Ex Albaregali, postridie coronationis serenissimi domini Lodovici regis, anno Domini 1508. Eiusdem Vestrae Dominationis Reverendissimae humillimus servitor Stephanus Brodarych, decretorum doctor in cancellaria regiae maiestatis. 4 István Brodarics to Taddeo dei Lardi1 Buda, 9 June 1508 Manuscript used: ASM, Ambasciatori, Ungheria, Busta 3.2 Published: Kujáni Gábor, Brodarics István levelezése, Történelmi Tár, 1908, 260–261. In Hungarian: V. Kovács Sándor (ed.), Magyar humanisták levelei XV–XVI. század, Budapest, 1971, 557–558. Brodarics gives a detailed account of the child King’s marching in to Buda and participants of the procession to Taddeo dei Lardi three days after the coronation of Louis II. Reverendissime Domine, Patrone Colendissime. Cum illas primas litteras3 iam conscripsissem, neque nuntius adesset, per quem mitti possent, libuit illa quoque, quae post subsecuta sunt, in his perstringere, ut Dominatio Vestra Reverendissima, quam scio alioquin haec omnia compertissima habere, ex litteris meis universam rei gestae seriem cognosceret.4
Triduo post illam auspicatissimam coronationem interiecto regia maiestas Budam rediit,5 prius per dominum palatinum6 et comitem Scepusiensem7 corona in arcem Visegradi relata.8 Novus regulus ingrediens hac pompa et hoc honore exceptus, nam praelati et alii, qui prius Budam venerant, omnes obviam regulo processerunt. Ordo introitus fuit: primo equites levis armaturae vestri Agriensis et domini cardinalis Strigoniensis,9 post deinde armigeri. Subsecuti praeterea varii diversorum principum
On Lardi see notes for the previous letter. copy of the original manuscript from the 19th century is in the Library of the HAS, Manuscripts Department (Ms 4999, bundle 11., 101–103) 3 See the previous letter. 4 Brodarics did not send his previous letter indeed, since there is no seal and address on that one (unlike the second one sent to Lardi). 5 I.e. on 8 June 1508. 6 Imre Perényi (?–1519), Comes of Abaúj, Palatine from 1504 until his death. 7 János Szapolyai, Count of Szepes, Transylvanian Voivod. 8 After the coronation the two keepers of the crown took it back to the place where it was kept, Visegrád. 9 Cardinal Bakócz Tamás, Archbishop of Esztergom. exercituli equis, armis, vestibus, auro, argento, phaleris preciosissimis ornati. Secuta post hos est omnis generis fratrum et scholarium ac presbiterorum processio. Campanis interea undique per omnes turres sonantibus, bombardis in theatro arcis et pixidibus innumeris emissis, tubis, tibiis et ceteris huiusmodi musicorum generibus circumstrepentibus et universa civitate ad spectandum effusa. Post illam, quam dixi, processionem ibant barones et iuniores et seniores. Deinde praelati omnes pedites. Post hos portabatur velum auratum, sub quo puer regius, immo rex novus, laetus, hilaris atque omnibus arridens in ulnis domini marchionis10 ferebatur. Domino patriarcha11 sollemniter habitu cardineo accincto sub eodem velo novum regem comitante, quasi loco patris ibi constituto. Nam rex senior12 per aliam portam paucis admodum comitantibus, sine ulla pompa fuerat urbem ingressus, ac recta in arcem profectus. Hic fuit introductionis ordo. Tandem infans fuit in aedem Divae Virginis13 portatus et ibi Virgini et Filio eius devote ac sollemniter oblatus, postremo in arcem ductus. Vestram Dominationem rogo, ne sit ei molestum meas hasce ineptias legere. Si haberem maius quidpiam ac dignius, illud Vestrae Dominationi offerrem. Quam bene valere et cito ad nos incolumem reverti etiam atque etiam cupio.
Ex Buda feria sexta proxima post coronationem serenissimi regis Lodovici 1508. Stephanus Brodary ch 14 servitorOn the outer side: Reverendo domino, domino Thadeo de Lardis gubernatori episcopatus Agriensis etc., domino honorando.5 István Brodarics to citizens of Kassa Buda, 29 August 1512 Manuscript used: MOL, DF 270926 1. Brodarics reminds citizens of Kassa that he was of help to them in the past whenever he could be. – 2. He asks for a four-in-hand carriage from the town in recognition of his services and that it is to be sent to Buda by merchants going to the fair held at St. Nicholas Day. Prudentes et Circumspecti Domini et Amici mihi Honorandi. [1.] Satis constat Vestris Dominationibus et maxime illis, qui ad dominum nostrum
reverendissimum1 per Vestras Dominationes mitti solent, me in omnibus, in quibus possum, et quae sunt officii mei, libentissime servire eisdem. Id quod ego non propterea facio, quod propter hoc aliquam remunerationem a Vestris Dominationibus exspectem, sed certe magis ex cordis affectione, qua Vestris Dominationibus afficior. [2.] Nihilominus tamen rogo Vestras Dominationes, ut non loco remunerationis sed loco mutuae benivolentiae velint mihi ordinari facere unum currum pro quattuor equis, et per mercatores huc Budam ad nundinas Sancti Nicolai2 venturos mittere. Id quod scio me apud Vestras Dominationes servitiis meis posse praeter dominum nostrum gratiosissimum centies promereri. Easdem Vestras Dominationes optime cupio valere.
Ex Buda in festo decollationis Beati Iohannis Baptistae Anno 1512. Vestrarum Dominationum in omnibus Stephanus Brodarych decretorum doctor, secretarius reverendissimi domini Quinqueecclesiensis etc. On the outer side: Prudentibus et circumspectis dominis, iudici, iuratisque civibus ac aliis dominis, civibus civitatis Cassoviensis, dominis et amicis honorandis.6 István Brodarics to Aldus Manutius1 Buda, 15 September 15122 Manuscript used: BA, E. 36 inf., fol. 16. Published: bel Jenő, Adalékok a humanismus történetéhez Magyarországon, Budapest, 1880, 30.; and Pierre de Ambroise Nolhac, Les correspondents d’Alde Manuce. Matériaux nouveaux d’histoire littéraire 1485–1514. Rome, 1888, 242.; In Hungarian: V. Kovács Sándor (ed.), Magyar humanisták levelei XV–XVI. század, Budapest, 1971, 558. Six years ago he left a manuscript of Janus Pannonius with a book merchant by the name of Jordan so that the latter would forward it to Aldus Manutius in order to print it. He requests Aldus to give the volume to the Hungarian King’s envoy, who is to arrive at Venice, if it has been printed. Excellentissime Vir, Amice Observandissime. Salutem ac prosperitatem. Iusseram cuidam librario Alemanno Iordano nomine3 Venetiis agenti sexto iam circiter abhinc anno tum videlicet, cum ego ex gymnasio Patavino4 in patriam redirem, ut quaedam opuscula Ioannis illius Pannonii,5 pro quorum impressione et ego tunc et
Manutius (Bassion, 1449–Venice, 1515), Humanist, an emblematic printer of the Renaissance. On his Hungarian connections see: Gerézdi Rabán, Aldus Manutius és magyar barátai, Magyar Könyv szemle, 1945, 38–98. More on his life: Julius Schück, Aldus Manutius und seine Zeitgenossen in Italien und Deutschland, Berlin, 1862. 2 On the back side of the letter we find 17 October. Rabán Gerézdi does accept this date (compare: Aldus Manutius magyar barátai, Magyar Könyvszemle, 1945, 67), and this date appears on the version that appeared in Hungarian in the volume of V. Kovács. However, this is obviously false, since we know that Fülöp Csulai Móré took the letter, and about him we know that he was received in Venice in great pomp on 7 October. (Compare: F edeles Tamás, Egy Jagelló-kori humanista pályaképe. Csulai Móré Fülöp (1476/1477–1526), Levéltári Közlemények, 2007, 60–61.) The misunderstanding stems from an incorrect resolution of the Roman-type date at the end of the letter. According to Roman calculation we do not add 17 days to the Kalendae, 1 October, but distract 17 days, and this is how we get the real date of the letter, 15 September. This way of dating can be reconciled with Csulai’s trip, who was already in Zengg at the end of September, where he embarked on a ship to Venice. 3 Jordan von Dinslaken, printer from Cologne. He was banned from Venice in 1520 for distributing Luther’s works. Compare: Boda Miklós, Pécs–Medvevár–Pécs. Janus Pannonius a pécsi utóélet tükrében = Bartók István, Jankovits László, Kecskeméti Gábor (ed.), Humanista műveltség Pannniában, Pécs, 2000, 83. 4 Brodarics obtained doctorate in canon law in Padua sometime around 1505–1506. 5 On Brodarics’ role in the publication of Janus’ works and on the manuscript he had, see more: Boda Miklós, A „sevillai kdexek” és a Janus Pannonius-szöveghagyomány kérdőjelei, Baranyai Helytörténetírás 17–18. (1985–1986), 475–493. – More recently, gnes Ritoókné Szalay found a manuscript with Janus’ works. He established a connection between the compilation and Brodarics convincingly. Compare: Ritoókné Szalay gnes, Janus Pannonius leveleinek kézirata a Pray-gyűjteményben, Az Egyetemi Könyv tár vkönyvei, 14–15 (2011), 283–292. herus meus6 praeterea apud te egerat, in manus Tuae Dominationis daret. Quod si factum ab illo est, rogo Tuam Dominationem, velit libellos ipsos ad manus magnifici ac reverendi domini oratoris7 regis nostri, qui tibi praesentes reddet, dare. Ne enim vir tantus perpetuo carie obsitus lateat, decrevi opuscula eius omnino in lucem emitti curare. Idque auxilio ac voluntate domini mei. In quo et ipsi domino meo et mihi rem gratissimam Tua Dominatio faciet. Quae optime valeat.Ex Buda XVII. Kalendas Octobris MDXII. bonus frater ac deditissimus Stephanus Brodarych decretorum doctor secretarius reverendissimi domini Quinqueecclesiensis cancellarii regni Hungariae. On the outer side: 17. Octobris 1512. Brodarych decretorum doctor, secretarius ex Buda. Clarissimo viro domino Aldo Manucio Romano, impressorum summo, fratri et amico optimo.7 István Brodarics to citizens of Kassa Pécs, 20 August 1515 Manuscript used: MOL, DF 269209 Published: Tóth-Szabó Pál, Oklevelek a kegyúri jog történetéhez, Történelmi Tár, 1903, 105–106. 1. Having heard that the position of the Provost of Jászó is vacant, he asks those in Kassa to give it to scribe Péter. Kristóf Darholczi also wrote about this to them. – 2. He and Darhoczi could have achieved with the Bishop that the Provostship goes to scribe Péter, but as advowson belongs to Kassa, they prefer to recommend their protégé to the town. – 4. People in Kassa should write a letter on behalf of scribe Péter, whose knowledge, morals and outstanding qualities make him worthy of recommendation. Brodarics’ formulation is ambiguous here. Already secretary of György Szatmári at the time. In 1505–1506, probably the patronage of Tamás Bakócz was behind the plans for publication, but the manuscript in question got into the hands of the young Humanist from his original patron Osvát Tuz. (On this compare: Kasza Péter, Egy karrier hajnala. Adalékok Brodarics István tanulmányainak és családi viszo nyainak történetéhez, Századok, 2008, 1193.) Szatmári, on the other hand, undoubtedly supported the publication of Janus’ works, as shown by the offering to the Bishop of Pécs in the Guarino-panegyricus of Sebestyén Magyi published in 1513. (Compare: Klaniczay Tibor (ed.), Janus Pannonius – Magyarországi humanisták. Budapest, 1982, 662–664. In Latin: Hegedüs István, Analecta nova, Budapest, 1903, 214.) On Brodarics’ connections to Sebestyén Magyi and the Bologna circle see: Révész Mária, Néhány adat Philippus Beroaldus maior magyar összeköttetéseihez. Egyetemes Philológiai Közlöny, 1941, 165–166. 7 Fülöp Csulai Móré (1476/77–1526), Humanist, Royal Secretary, later Bishop of Pécs. Csulai studied with Beroaldo in Bologna and had a friendly relationship with Aldus Manutius too. Like Brodarics, Csulai was also a protégé of Szatmári. In the first two decades of the 1500s, he visited Venice many times as Hungarian royal envoy. More on his life: Fedeles Tamás, Egy Jagelló-kori humanista pályaképe. Csulai Móré Fülöp (1476/1477–1526), Levéltári Közlemények, 2007, 35–84. Prudentes et Circumspecti Domini mihi Honorandi. [1.] Praeposituram ecclesiae de Iazo vacare1 intelligo, iusque patronatus eius praepositurae Vestras Dominationes habere.2 Si igitur istic in medio sui Dominationes Vestrae nondum aliquam personam ad eam praeposituram elegerunt, supplico Dominationibus Vestris, easque vehementissime rogo, velint mei etiam ob respectum et meorum servitiorum praeposituram ipsam Petro litterato,3 nunc domini mei4 servitori, qui et vicinus Vestris Dominationibus est et moribus, scientia, aliisque virtutibus satis decoratus, conferre. Sicut egregius etiam dominus Christophorus Darhoczy,5 cubicularius domini reverendissimi Dominationibus Vestris super hac re latius scripsit.6
[2.] Nos cum ipso domino Christoforo Darhoocz, si pro ea praepositura ipsi domino Petro litterato obtinenda laborare et intercedere apud dominum nostrum reverendissimum voluissemus, credimus nos habere tantum favoris apud suam dominationem reverendissimam, ut praeposituram ipsam obtinere ipsi domino Petro potuissemus, sed cum, ut dixi, eius praepositurae ius patronatus Vestrae Dominationes habeant, potius voluimus ad Vestras Dominationes in favorem illius boni viri scribere. Quas
unacum ipso domino Christoforo rogo, velint utriusque nostrum servitiorum intuitu praeposituram ipsam ipsi domino Petro litterato conferre.[3.] Velintque ipsae etiam Dominationes Vestrae in favorem et commendationem illius boni viri scribere, quem de peritia litterarum, de bonis moribus et de omni probitatis genere merito Dominationes Vestrae commendare possunt. Valere cupio Vestras Dominationes, quibus me et servitia mea commendo.
Ex Quinqueecclesiis in festo beati Stephani regis anno 1515. Stephanus Brodaryth decretorum doctor et secretarius reverendissimi domini Quinqueecclesiensis On the outer side: Prudentibus et circumspectis dominis, iudici iuratisque civibus civitatis Cassoviensis, dominis honorandis.Provost Pál Jászai, who was appointed to the position in 1508 by Szatmári himself, died in 1515. Bishop of Pécs György Szatmári and his home town Kassa won advowson of Provostship of Jászó and the right to elect the Provost on 9 June 1508. The convent, however, also clinged to the right of free election of the Provost based on their privileges upheld by Vladislaus. After the death of Pál Jászai, the convent elected Gergely Karácsondi Provost. Karácsondi was later confirmed by Szatmári himself as Provost. The document about this is dated 23 September 1515. (Compare: MOL DF 269210) Regarding the Jászó convent see: Tóth-Szabó Pál, Szathmári György prímás (1457–1524), Budapest, 1906; and Tóth-Szabó Pál, Jász a főkegyúri jog történetében II., Századok, 1905, 223–247. 3 An unknown employee of György Szatmári who did not attain Provostship. 4 Brodarics was already the secretary of Szatmári. 5 It is about nobleman Kristóf Darholczi from Sáros County, about whom we have several pieces of data together with his father (Pál Darholczi) and brothers (Pál and Vilmos). (Compare: MOL, DL 97820, DL 64524, DL 75106). Kristóf, Vice-Comes of Sáros County from 1514, Chamberlain of György Szatmári in 1515. 6 For Darholczi’s letter to the town of Kassa dated 18 August 1515, see: MOL, DF 270974 8 István Brodarics to Angelo Cospi1 [Sine loco], [1515–1516]2 Manuscript used: EFKK, Categoria V. Titulus IV. cc. 142v–143r. Published: V. Kovács Sándor, Egy humanista a mohácsi vész korában (Kálnai Imre), Irodalomtörténeti Közlemények, 1970, 372. In Hungarian: V. Kovács Sándor, Magyar humanisták levelei XV–XVI. század, Budapest, 1971, 596. Brodarics calls Cospi’s attention to a youngster who prepares for studies in Italy, even though he is not an old acquaintance of Cospi. Eximie ac Doctissime Vir, salutem et commendationem. Etsi nulla mihi vel parva admodum cum Tua Dominatione intercessit familiaris necessitudo, qua fretus liberius illi oneris quippiam audere
m imponere, exoratus tamen precibus huius boni viri,3 quem vel ex eo bonum dixerim, quod litterarum sit cupidus, scribendum duxi ad Tuam Dominationem hominemque illi non parvis mihi officiis devinctum singulariter commendandum, existimans Tuam Dominationem non minorem huius petitionis meae habituram rationem, quam si quis ex veteribus illius amicis ad se scriberet.Est enim non minor quandoque in conciliandis, quam in retinendis ac sanctissime colendis amicitiis voluptas. Si locum et exactius rem consideramus, verissimum est illud Martialis nostri
omnes hi veteres novi fuerunt.4 Quis enim nostrum iure dicere potest sibi ullumveteri amore vinctum, qui non idem ei olim novus fuerit. Quare non diffido Tuam quoque Dominationem, quam ut omni in virtute, ita in amicitia quoque colenda plurimum voluptatis ponere, nullum est dubium amico novo et visu forte tantum cognito aliquidtribuituram , quae si dignabitur mihi quoque vicissim quippiam iniungere, faciam, ut quicquid viribus et ope mea confici poterit, id se amico diligentissimo mandasse intelligat, cui me unice commendo. Quae et semper optime valeat.Datum etc. 1 Angelo Bartolomeo Cospi (1430–1516) Humanist, philologist, teacher of rhetoric at the Vienna University. 2 Giving an exact date for the letter is problematic. Sándor V. Kovács, who first published the text, dated the letter to the second half of the 1530s, because he thought that Brodarics might have got acquainted with Angelo Cospi on his trip to Italy in 1536. Regarding the fact that Cospi died in 1516, the date given by V. Kovács is obviously impossible. Cospi taught rhetoric at the University of Vienna, and it is clear that Brodarics knew him only slightly. However, we know about Cospi that he spent some time in Pozsony in 1515, where in the house of Girolamo Balbi he translated the Didorodus Codex (Libri duo, primus de Philippi Regis Macedoniae, aliorum re quorundam illustrium ducum, alter de Alexandri filii rebus gestis.) The translation was published after Cospi’s death, in 1516 in Vienna in the print-shop of Vietor. (Compare: Hermann Zsuzsa, Egy humanista karrierje (Balbi Jeromos), Az Egyetemi Könyvtár vkönyvei, Budapest, 1964, 233.) Since Balbi, just like Brodarics, belonged to the circle of György Szatmári, Brodarics might have met Cospi through him in 1515-16 when Cospi stayed in Hungary. 3 We do not know whom Brodarics recommended to Cospi. 4 Compare: Martialis I, 54, 5. (Ad Fuscum). Brodarics connects Martialis’ line skilfully to his own text. In the original: Nec me, quod tibi sim novus, recuses; / Omnes hoc veteres tui fuerunt. 9 Charter about the augmentation of coat of arms for István Brodarics Buda, 25 March 1517 Manuscript used: MOL R 64 – item II. – Nr. 48.1 Published: Kujáni Gábor, Brodarics István levelezése 1508–1538, Történelmi Tár, 1908, 342–344. For the part of the charter describing the coat of arms, see: ldásy Antal, A MNM könyvtárának címerjegyzéke II. Címereslevelek, Budapest, 1904, 28–29. István Brodarics and his family received coat of arms augmentation from King Louis II. The document discusses the earlier image of the coat of arms received for military merit in detail. Then it proceeds to describe the nature of augmentation and gives explanation. Commissio propria domini regis. Ludovicus Dei gratia rex Hungariae et Bohemiae etc. Tibi fideli nostro venerabili et egregio Stephano Brodarich de Ierosyn2 decretorum doctori, comiti capellae sancti Andreae apostoli3 et canonico Quinqueecclesiensi salutem et gratiae nostrae regiae assiduum incrementum.
Quemadmodum variae sunt et multiplices mortalium voluntates atque appetitus, ita videmus varia ac multum inter se diversa esse studia, et diversas ad varias artes ab ipsis paene incunabulis animorum applicationes, prout cuique vel natura, vel conditio, vel animi libido suadet. Quo sit, ut alii protinus, ut in lucem sunt editi, agricolationi animum intendant, alios mercium ex diverso orbe terra marique convehendarum studium teneat, aliis in opificio quopiam et vel pingendi vel fingendi aut sculpendi arte excellere pulchrum ac decorum videbatur, alii postremo alias vitae humanae necessarias artes et studia sequantur. Qui vero nobiliorem a natura vim sortiti sunt, et reliquum
3 Brodarich: Brodarych MOL R 64 1 The original of the document severely damaged already was in the possession of the Tallián family. The copy that is presently in the MOL was made after this in 1897. The Tallián archive was incorporated into the National Museum in 1899, but by this time the original of Brodarics’ coat of arms had disappeared. Compare: Laczlavik György, Brodarics István címereslevele, Turul, 2011/1, 28. 2 Jerosin or Jarosin, Kőrös county (today: Herešin, Croatia). Relevant literature disputes that Brodarics really used the name of Jerosin, because, apart from the charter, it is never seen in his letters that survived. In a letter dated 1 October 1532., he names Polyana in Kőrös County as his ancestral estate. On the issue of title of nobility see: Kujáni Gábor, A Brodaricsok, Századok, 1913, 755–756; on Jerosin–Herešin the authority is Ranko Pavleš, who uses recent Croatian literature too. Compare: Ranko Pavleš, Koprivničko i đurđevečko vlastelinstvo. Povijest, topografija, organizacija, Koprivnica, 2001, 110–111. 3 This, in fact, is a title of chapel rector. The St. Andrew’s chapel might have been built next to the south-western part of cathedral. Sources mention one of its altars already in the early 14th century. Tamás Bakócz was one of the chapel rectors before 1487; all his known successors were clerics with a university degree. Compare Timár György, A szenttisztelet Pécsett a középkorban (patrocinium, titulus, ecclesiae) = Font Márta (ed.), Pécs szerepe a Mohács előtti Magyarországon. Tanulmányok Pécs történetéből 9., Pécs, 2001, 69–103. humani generis vulgum gloria et nominis amplitudine antecellere conantur, eorum duo genera esse videmus, aut enim rem militarem sequuntur, aut ab ipso aetatis principio bonarum artium studiis animum dedunt. Quae quidem duae res solae propemodum sunt, quae mirabile dictu est, quantum et ornamenti et emolumenti humano generi asserant, alterum enim, si bello quatimur, ex bello nobis victoriam, ac demum pacem parat, alterum in pace quietos nos ac legibus et iure aequabili viventes continet. Itaque haud temere ullum tam ferum, tam barbarum, tamque ab omni humano cultu alienum atque aborientem populum reperias, ubi non his geminis artibus summus sit semper honor habitus. Verum quod ad litteras attinet, quantum [...] splendoris et claritudinis, tantum etiam commodi et emolumenti facile inesse apparet. Nam si quis [...] perpendiculum revocare voluerit et aequa lance metiri, procul dubio reperiet nobis parum profuisse ratione et intellectu a ceteris animantibus distinctos fuisset [...] divinationem vocamus, exculta atque elimata fuisset. Quid enim inter nos et cetera animalia [...] adminiculo et nobis et tam multiplices rerum cognitiones et Dei ipsius Optimi Maximi ac naturae omnium parentis abstrusissima arcana [...] monumentiore eo iam [...] penetratum, quo vim naturare, humanare, penetrare posse nemo unquam credidisset. Litterae igitur sunt et [...] omnium nationum absolutissimam [...] cognitionem tribuunt, litterae denique, quae [...] sempiternam, immensam, ineffabilem, incomprehensibilem [...] Quid igitur [...] elegantius? Quid laudabilius, quam in ea re vel mediocriter excellere, quae tantum rebus humanae omnibus antistiti et tantum divina humanaque omnia [...] Nosque, qui de benignitate ad hoc tam amplum atque excelsum regni fastigium sumus evecti, semper ab initio maximae curae habuimus, ut tam armorum quam litterarum studiosi praecipuis [...] et pari quodammodo atque aequali existimatione ac dignitate haberentur. Hac igitur de causa neque te praeterire libuit, quippe qui ab ipsis paene incunabulis omnem aetatem in hoc honestissimum [...] prima adhuc pueritia ad omnium artium altricem Italiam
missisti , eam ibi per multos annos variis disciplinis operam impendisti, ut adhuc adolescens et vir, dum pubertatem egressus4 non solum Graecis ac Latinis litteris non mediocriter eruditus habereris, sed etiam iuris pontificii eam peritiam consequeris, ut te nobilissima orbis terrarum gymnasia ea adhuc aetate eius disciplinae insignibus et ornamentis dignum iudicarunt.5 Porro inde egressus non socordiae neque ignaviae animum dedisti, sed ne bonum otium inerti desidia [...] primum reverendissimi domini Thomae cardinalis Strigoniensis ac patriarchae Constantinopolitani6 etc. aulam es secutus, succedente deinde tempore in obsequia reverendissimi in Christo22 claritudinis correxi ex: claritudine The multitude of expressions denoting age, which show that Brodarics got to Italy at a very early age, provide the strongest proofs that his date of birth should be put around 1480 instead of 1470–71. More on this: Kasza Péter, Egy karrier hajnala... 1198–1202. 5 Brodarics first studied in Padua from around 1498–99, then, after his master Giovanni Calphurnio died, he continued in Bologna with Filippo Beroaldo from 1503. Still, he obtained doctorate of canon law in Padua in 1505–1506. More on the chronology of Brodarics’ studies in Italy: Kasza Péter, Egy karrier hajnala... 1194–1198. 6 Tamás Bakócz, Archbishop of Esztergom, Patriarch of Constantinople. patris domini Georgii episcopi Quinqueecclesiensis,7 summi et secretarii cancellarii nostri, fidelis nostri, nobis sincere dilecti asciri voluisti, apud quos et maxime apud ipsum dominum episcopum Quinqueecclesiensem, qua fide, integritate, constantia, qua praeterea industria ac sollicitudine sis versatus, quantum deinde nobisque et huic inclyto regno nostro per plures annos serviveris, adeo in propatulo est, ut litterarum nostrarum praedicatione et testimonio non indigeat. His igitur virtutibus et obsequiis tuis inducti imperpetuum nostrae erga te benevolentiae incrementum ex speciali gratia nostra et de regiae nostrae potestatis plenitudine tibi ac per te Mathiae, fratri tuo carnali, necnon Francisco et Alexio filiis eiusdem Mathiae, et eorum haeredibus et posteritatibus universis ad arma familiae vestrae avita, quae in scuto coelestini coloris hominem armatum ab hostibus insecutum in cymbam transfretatoriam compulsum et in navicula ipsa concitatissimo cursu in aliam fluminis ripam tendentem gestare conspiciebantur, hoc fecimus additamentum: corvum videlicet de sublimi advolantem, coronam lauri semper virentis quasi capiti illius bellatoris imponendam, rostro afferentem ad denotanda te familiae tuae, quae non temere, sed ex eventu bellico et ex illo transfretandi casu priora illa insignia sortita fuerat, hoc novum decus addidisse, ut illius sive navigationem, seu potius bellicam virtutem eruditione tua et doctrina ornaveris. Quo enim alio insignii id significari atque exprimi aptius potuit, quam corvo laureum sertum gestante, cum et corvus avis sit Phoebo dicata, et lauri ramis doctorum hominum ipsa cingi soleant. Quae quidem arma sive nobilitatis insignia in capite seu principio praesentium litterarum nostrarum suis appropriatis coloribus artificiosa manu depicta tibi ac praefatis fratri nepotibusque tuis ipsorumque haeredibus et posteritatibus universis, animo deliberato et ex certa nostrae maiestatis scientia dedimus, donavimus et contulimus, immo damus ac concedimus et praesentibus elargimur, ut tu iidemque frater et nepotes tui praenominati, ac haeredes et posteritates eorum universae praetacta arma seu nobilitatis indicia, de more aliorum nobilium armis utentium, a modo imposterum, ubique in proeliis,hastitudiis , tor hastiludiis nament iis, duellis, bellis, omnibusque exercitiis nobilitaribus et militaribus, necnon sigillis, velis, cortinis, anulis, et generaliter in quarumlibet rerum et expeditionum generibus, sub merae et sincerae nobilitatis titulo ferre, gestare omnibusque et singulis privilegiis, praerogativis, immunitatibus, gratiis, honoribus et libertatibus, quibus ceteri nobiles armis utentes, quomodolibet de iure vel consuetudine utuntur et gaudent, uti, frui et gaudere possitis et valeatis, de talismodique singularis et specialis gratiae nostrae antidoto meritoexcultetis , et tanto ampliore studio ad honorem nostrae regiae maiestatis tua et eorundem de cetero solidetur intentio, quanto vos largiore favore et gratiarum munere dotatos, condecoratosque esse conspicitis.In cuius rei memoriam, firmitatemque perpetuam praesentes litteras nostras secreto sigillo nostro, quo ut rex Hungariae utimur, impendenti communitas nobis duximus concedendas.
Datum Budae, feria quarta proxima post Dominicam laetare, anno Domini millesimo 66 avis correxi ex: alis 7 György Szatmári, Bishop of Pécs, major patron of Brodarics. quingentesimo decimoseptimo, regnorum nostrorum Hungariae et Bohemiae etc. anno primo. Iacobus Piso8 secretarius. 10 István Brodarics to Louis II1 Rome, 1 September 1522 Manuscript used: MOL, DL 25663 Published: Iványi Béla, Adalékok a nemzetközi érintkezések történetéhez a Jagelló-korban, Történelmi Tár, 1906, 343–344. 1. The Pope has arrived in Rome but has not received Brodarics in a public audience yet. However, he and Cardinal Medici have put forward Louis II’s request to him in a private interview that a legate or nuncio be sent to the Nuremberg Imperial Diet. – 2. Brodarics assures King Louis that that he could find no Pope more suitable for his purposes than Adrian. Marsupino has returned from Florence to Rome too. Now they work together on behalf of the King. – 3. He complains that he has no money and he doesn’t get any from the Fuggers in spite of the King having instructed them to lend him some. If he does not receive money soon, he will be compelled to sell everything he has and crawl back to Hungary in shame with barely one servant. – 4. He, too, deems the diplomatic mission to France mentioned by King Louis quite useful, but he cannot travel there without money. Sacra Regia Maiestas, Domine, Domine mihi Gratiosissime. Post humillimam servitutis meae commendationem. [1.] XXVIII huius mensis Augusti venit Sanctissimus Dominus Noster2 ad sanctum Paulum monasterium non longe a moenibus Urbis distans. Sequenti die ingressus Urbem, postea die Dominica3 fuit coronatus. Adhuc nihil potuit agi de negotiis Maiestatis Vestrae apud Suam Sanctitatem. Credo nos cras aut perendie habituros audientiam publicam, id est consistorialem a Sua Sanctitate. Quamvis iam in audientia
8 Jacobus Piso (1480–1527), offspring of a Saxon middle class family from Medgyes, noted Humanist, poet and diplomat, friend and pen friend of Erasmus, member of the circle of László Szalkai who would become Archbishop of Esztergom. One of the tutors of the child King Louis from 1516, Royal Secretary from 1520. We have no other data about a permanent contact with Brodarics, who was roughly of the same age, but perhaps it is not just by accident that he wrote the letter on the coat of arms, which praises literature and science, in such elegant Latin. 1 Fraknói refers to this letter when he states that one of Brodarics’ tasks was to persuade the Pope to intervene so that Pál Tomori accepts arcbishopric of Kalocsa. (Compare: Fraknói Vilmos, Tomori Pál élete, Századok, 1881, 310.) Brodarics might have had such an assignment but it cannot be justified with the text of this letter. 2 Hadrian VI (1522–1523) was elected Pope on 9 January 1522. 3 On 31 August. privata unacum reverendissimo domino cardinale Medices,4 deditissimo Vestrae Maiestati, satis multa cum Sua Sanctitate egerimus de mittendo illo nuntio sive legato, quem Vestra Maiestas cupit mitti ad dietam Norembergensem,5 de quo etiam prius apud sacrum collegium egeramus.6 Sed cum statim subsecutus fuisset adventus pontificis, omnia ad pontificem reiecta fuerunt. Pontifex dixit se quamprimum expediturum unum virum idoneum, de aliis agetur, ut praemisi, in audientia consistoriali.7 Et in diligentia nostra nihil penitus deerit. [2.] Habet ex munere divino Vestra Maiestas pontificem talem, quo melior et ad negotia Vestrae Maiestatis propensior ne optari quidem posset a domino Deo. Credo et certissime credo non Maiestatem Vestram solum, sed totam Christianitatem in huius re et nomine sanctissimi viri bonitate, prudentia et sollertia conquieturam. Plura et de hoc et de aliis in proximis litteris.8 Haec enim scripsi subitissime nuntio properante. Brevi faciam de rebus omnibus Vestram Maiestatem certiorem. Dominus Marsupinus9 et ipse
4 Cardinal Giulio de Medici was the cousin of the previous Medici pope, Leo X. After the early death of Hadrian VI he is elected Pope in the autumn of 1523 by the name of Clement VII (1523–1534). 5 There were two imperial assemblies in Nuremberg in 1522, one in the spring, and one in the autumn. The Hungarian King sent his envoys to both in order to obtain aid for the struggle against the Turks and for capturing Nándorfehérvár back. The papal envoy should have supported these Hungarian claims. 6 We do not know exactly when Brodarics arrived in Rome. He probably left Buda in the end of February, because Iván Borsa mentions in a Hungarica report that he saw in the Siena State Archives a letter of recommendation by Louis II to Cardinal Raffaello Petrucci on behalf of Brodarics, and this was dated 18 February 1522 (compare: Archivio di Stato di Siena, Particolari, Famiglie Senesi nr. 146). It is known from Mario Sanuto’s diary that he was in Venice on 26 April because that’s when he spoke in front of the council of the Signoria about the aid to Hungary. He got an answer on 2 May, and Sanuto says he continued his trip to Rome on 3 May. (Compare: Wenzel Gusztáv, Marino Sanuto világkrónikájának Magyarországot illető tudsításai III., Magyar Történelmi Tár XXV. 268–269.) Marsupino writes on 8 August 1522 that he was waiting for Brodarics to arrive in Rome but 3 months have passed since his arrival. Thus Brodarics might have reached Rome in the second half of May. 7 Brodarics and Marsupino were heard at a consistory session on 4 September. See Magyarországi pápai követek jelentései 1524–1526. Budapest, 2001. 8 Unfortunately, we have no more letters addressed to King Louis from Rome. 9 Francesco Marsupino, a cleric of Humanist knowledge, a doctor of both laws, one time secretary of Archbishop Bakócz, stayed in Rome from 1518 as a permanent Hungarian envoy. After 1526 he represented Szapolyai in the papal court. István Brodarics and Ferenc Frangepán both considered him a close friend. In 1542 he still served Ferenc Frangepán. Paul III wanted to send him on a mission to Ireland in 1541 but it did not happen (see Thomas Maccogg, The Society of Jesus in Ireland, Scotland, and England 1541–1588, Leiden–New York–Köln, 1996, 15.) His brother Joannes (Giovanni) Marsupino was Abbot of Kapornak in 1532 and entered the service of Pál Várday in 1548. Regarding the Marsupino brothers see: ETE I. 232., 309., 310.; ETE II. 186–188.; ETE III. 269., 284., 291., 350., 380., 416., 474.; ETE IV. 131. ex Florentia, quo eum concessisse Vestra Maiestas non ignorat,10 rediit. Communi igitur opera et consilio omnia aguntur et agentur. [3.] Expensas ego nullas penitus habeo. Deus immortalis scit, quod non solum vehementissime angor, sed et supra modum admiror, quod Vestra Maiestas ita me sine expensa reliquerit. Maiestas Vestra scribit11 et item reverendissimus dominus cancellarius12 ex voluntate Maiestatis Vestrae Fukaros13 mihi satis expensarum daturos, ab eis ne obolum quidem habere possum. Immo derideor ab eis, qui orator Maiestatis Vestrae existens ab eis sumptus mendicem. Iam si Vestra Maiestas ad tot meas supplicationes nihil mihi suppeditat, Deus scit, nescio quid faciam, nisi forte, ut vendam omnia, quae mecum habeo, habitu mutato redeam cum uno famulo ad Vestram Maiestatem incognitus cum extrema ignominia mea et damno non parvo Vestrae Maiestatis. Videt enim Vestra Maiestas totam rerum suarum summam hinc pendere.
[4.] Nam quod Maiestas Vestra scribit mihi de legatione Gallica obeunda, ea, ut video, esset valde necessaria. Immo credo nihil magis necessarium ad res Maiestatis Vestrae et totius Christianitatis. Sed quomodo ego illuc irem, qui iam a tot mensibus ne hic quidem unicum obolum a Vestra Maiestate habere possum.14
Me et mea servitia in gratiam Vestrae Maiestatis recommendo, quam altissimus conservare dignetur diutissime felicem et incolumem. Ex Urbe 1. Septembris 1522.15 Eiusdem Vestrae Maiestatis servitor et capellanus Stephanus praepositus Quinqueecclesiensis On the outer side: Sacrae Regiae Maiestati Hungariae et Bohemiae etc. domino meo gratiosissimo10 Marsupino arrived in Florence around 8 August. He practically fled there from his creditors because he had not received money from Hungary for months. See Iványi Béla, Adalékok a nemzetközi érintkezések történetéhez a Jagelló-korban, Történelmi Tár, 1906, 341–342; and MOL DL 25313. 11 We do not know the referred letter by King Louis. 12 This may be a reference to Archbishop of Esztergom and High Chancellor György Szatmári, a long-time patron of Brodarics. Because of the title Chancellor it is possible that László Szalkai wrote the letter mentioned. 13 It is a reference to the Fugger banking house, which was one of the most important financial institutions of the era that gave credits. They had several branches in Hungary too. More on their activities: Richard Ehrenberg, Das Zeitalter der Fugger. Geldkapital und Creditverkerhr im 16. Jahrhundert, Jena, 1963. 14 Brodarics’ planned legation in France did not happen. 15 In the first part of the letter Brodarics says August is the current month, yet the date at the end of the letter is 1 September. This highlights the nature of diplomatic letters: they are summaries, and writing them often took several days as suspected here. 11 Sigismund I1 to István Brodarics [Vilnius], [22 October 1522]2 Manuscript used: BK 228fol. 197–1983 Published: Acta Tomiciana VI. 144–145. He has been informed about the sudden death of his envoy to Rome. Since he has nobody to conduct his business, he asks Brodarics to promote his interests in the papal court just as his envoys often represent the Hungarian King. Brodarics should achieve with the Pope that the Pope appoints the candidate of King Sigismund Bishop of Przemiśl Rafał for the vacant position of Bishop of Płock. Appointing anybody else would violate the rights of the country and create confusion. Non pridem antequam litterae tuae nobis sunt redditae,4 accepimus oratorem nostrum episcopum Plocensem istic vita functum5 et affecti sumus magna molestia, quod hac eius inopina morte complures res et negotia nostra sunt intricata. Quia vero et ipse defunctus et alii istic oratores nostri non minus curare solebant negotia nepotis6 nostri, regis Hungariae, postulamus a te, ut cum inpraesens istic sit et nos oratorem nostrum non habemus, non desit una cum collega suo7 apud Sanctissimum Dominum Nostrum8 rebus et negotiis nostris, agatque apud illius Sanctitatem, ne quem alium ad episcopatum Plocensem provehere velit praeter reverendissimum dominum Raphaelem, episcopum Premisliensem, virum ecclesiae et reipublicae perquam idoneum et nobis
(Old) Sigismund I (1506–1548), King of Poland, the youngest brother of Vladislaus II, uncle of Louis II. He had no child from her first wife Borbála Szapolyai. Izabella, wife of János Szapolyai was born from his second marriage to Bona Sforza. More on his life: Zygmunt Wojciechowski, Zygmunt Stary (1506–1548), Warszawa, 1979. [Bibliography in the notes.] 2 Brodarics indicates in his letter dated 1 January 1523 that he has received Sigismund ‘s letter together with two others addresses to the Pope dated in Vilnius on 22 October. The accompanying letter to Brodarics was probably written around 22 October too. 3 Another manuscript: BCzart TN 35. 378–379. According to the version kept in the Naruszewicz Collection, this letter was intended to Francesco Marsupino, which cannot be excluded, since the earliest known manuscript of it is known only from a 16th-century copy kept in Kórnik. This is what I used. Its address says the letter is to the Hungarian King’s envoy at the Holy Seat (oratori regis Hungariae apud Sedem Apostolicam). Since we do not know of any letter from Sigismund to Marsupino during Brodarics’ envoyship in Rome, and Brodarics indicates in his response on 1 January 1523 that he did get a letter from the Polish King, I deem it more probable that the addressee of the above letter is Brodarics. 4 This letter is unknown. The above letter is the earliest that left to us from the correspondence of Brodarics and the Polish King. 5 Erazm Ciołek (1474–1522), Bishop of Płock, died as an envoy of Sigismund in Rome on 9 September 1522. More on his life: Henryk Folwarski, Erazm Ciołek biskup i dyplomata, Warszawa, 1935. 6 Hungarian King Louis II was the cousin of Sigismund. 7 Without doubt this is a reference to Francesco Marsupino. 8 Pope Hadrian VI. meritissimum, quem nos Suae Sanctitati praesentamus.9 Nam nos alium nequamquam admittere volumus neque possemus contra iura nostra et statuta regni nostri, quae infringi regnicolae nostri nullo modo paterentur, orireturque inde aliqua turba perniciosissima, quae nescimus quo pacto sedari posset. Referemus hanc operam tibi et eius collegae uberrima gratia et favore nostro. Datum. 12 István Brodarics to Sigismund I Rome, 1 January 1523 Manuscript used: BN T. 4. fol. 122 r–v.1 Published: Acta Tomiciana VI. 219–220. 1. Brodarics fulfilled Sigismund’s request and approached the Pope regarding the Płock bishopric and the matter of indulgences. Sigismund will learn the Pope’s answer from a letter to be sent through Anton Fugger. – 2. He informs Sigismund that the Pope holds him in the highest esteem among all Christian rulers, and he alone is considered the refuge of Christianity and also the only support of Hungarian King Louis. – 3. He says he is happy to be available for Sigismund because he knows that by serving Sigismund he is of service to his own master Louis. Serenissime Princeps et Domine, Domine Clementissime. Post servitutis meae in gratiam Vestrae Serenissimae Maiestatis humillimam commendationem. [1.] Dignata est Vestra Maiestas his diebus
superiore dare ad me litteras,2 ut in facto ecclesiae Plocensis pro voto ac desiderio Maiestatis Vestrae apud Sanctissimum Dominum Nostrum elaborarem, miserat etiam Maiestas Vestra binas alias litteras ad Sanctitatem Domini Nostri, alteras gratulatorias,3 alteras de indulgentiis et officio collectorio.49 After the death of Bishop of Płock Erazm Ciołek the King of Poland wanted to install Rafał Leszczyński, Bishop of Przemiśl into the vacant position. However, Hadrian VI did not wait for Sigismund’s recommendation but appointed Johann Albrecht, brother of Albrecht von Brandenburg, Grand Master of the Teutonic Order which had a hostile relationship with Poland. (Compare: AT VI. 154–155.) The Polish ruler protested angrily. Since neither party would budge, a one-year-long diplomatic struggle began. Brodarics played an important part of its settlement. More on this: Kasza Péter, Egy magyar diplomata lengyel szolgálatban. Újabb források Brodarics István rmai követi működéséhez., Irodalomtörténeti Közlemények, 2009, 593–605. The same in English: A Hungarian diplomat in Polish service New sources for the functioning of István Brodarics as ambassador in Rome, Camoenae Hungaricae, 2010, 61–73. manuscript: BK 223 fol. 83–84. No doubt, it is the letter by Sigismund in October 1522. 3 Sigismund greeted Hadrian VI for his election in a letter dated in Vilnius 22 October 1522. Compare: AT VI. 130. 1 Another Ego non solum omnes has litteras Maiestatis Vestrae Sanctissimo Domino Nostro exhibui, sed in his negotiis ex sententia Maiestatis Vestrae obtinendis, quantum in me fuit, sedulam operam dedi. Quid facturus sit pontifex, et quale responsum ad petita Maiestatis Vestrae dederit, superfluum est me pluribus verbis Maiestati Vestrae explicare, cum ex eius litteris,5 quas cum domino Anthonio Fukaro,6 diligentissimo servitore Maiestatis Vestrae ad eandem mittimus, sit omnia plene cognitura. [2.] Ego hoc unum etiam litteris meis Vestrae Maiestati notum esse volui, incredibilem esse et admirandum Sanctissimi Domini Nostri in Vestram Maiestatem amorem et de illius clarissimis virtutibus opinionem. Nullus est princeps in tota Christianitate, cui non Vestram Maiestatem rebus omnibus, quae ad excellentissimum regem pertineant, quaeve domi forisque sint magno principi necessariae, non quam longissime anteponat. Deum testor, eo tempore, quo ei litteras Vestrae Maiestatis redderem et cum hae per secretarium eius me audiente legerentur, eum in eam Vestrae Maiestatis laudum praedicationem prorupisse, ut clara voce et quae ab omnibus, qui ibi tum aderant (aderant autem et ex cardinalibus nonnulli et multi archiepiscopi, episcopi et diversorum principum oratores) exaudiretur, diceret, solam Maiestatem Vestram esse, in cuius virtute post Deum sita esset labentis rei Christianae fortuna, solam esse, in qua serenissimus Ludovicus, rex nepos,7 regni sui tuendi et Belgradi recuperandi8 spem ponere deberet, multaque in hanc sententiam magna cum laude Vestrae Maiestatis dixit, praeter alias virtutes domesticas, summam eius in re militari peritiam, incredibilem felicitatem miris laudibus extollens. Sed haec et eiusmodi non sunt iam in auribus meis nova, qui nunquam possum ad eius Sanctitatem accedere, quin semper de Maiestate Vestra honorificentissimam faciat mentionem.
[3.] Si quid id est, in quo Maiestati Vestrae inservire possum, id tam libenter ac prompto animo faciam, ut certe nihil libentius, scio me eodem tempore, quo Maiestati Vestrae servio, servire etiam gratiosissimo et serenissimo principi meo. Quod si non esset, singularis tamen Vestrae Maiestatis virtus, magnanimitas, prudentia et generosi
4 He wrote another letter the same day, in which he asks for confirmation of the kermess that Leo X permitted. The permission became invalid as Leo died. He also asks the after the death of Bishop of Płock Ciołek, who was charged with collecting Peter’s pence, the commission be transferred to Bishop of Poznań Piotr Tomicki. Compare: AT VI. 135. 5 The breves of Hadrian VI did not survive. 6 Anton Fugger (1493–1560): cousin of Jakob Fugger, who laid down the foundations for the power of banker family. After his childless uncle dies (1525), he and his brothers take over control of the Fugger banking house. (More on Anton Fugger: Götz Freiherr von Pölnitz, Anton Fugger, Bd 1–3., Tübingen, 1958–1986. On the Fuggers’ activities in Rome: Aloys Schulte, Die Fugger in Rom 1495–1523, 2 Bde, Leipzig, 1904.) Sigismund counted on the help of the Fuggers – who were influential in Rome – in settling the dispute with the Pope. His letters to Jakob Fugger and Jan Boner from the end of October demonstrate this (see: AT VI. 145–147.) Anton Fugger must have written to the Polish ruler on this matter. 7 Hungarian King Louis II was the cousin of Sigismund. 8 Nándorfehérvár (Belgrade, today: Beograd, Serbia) was occupied by the Turks on 29 August 1521. This was a serious blow to Hungary, since this fortress was central in their Southern defence line. One of the main purpose of sending Brodarics to Rome as an envoy was to obtain support of the papal court to the campaign to reconquer Nándorfehérvár. atque excelsi animi omnibus numeris absoluta ac perfecta excellentia traheret me ad omnem servitutem, quae a me praestari posset, illi libentissime impendendam. Me et obsequia mea perpetua in gratiam Vestrae Maiestatis rursus commendo. Quam Deus servet semper incolumem ac victoriosam. Ex Urbe Calendis Ianuarii Anno 1523. Quem etiam annum cum plurimis sequentibus cupio Vestrae Maiestati decurrere felicissimum et multis victoriis insignem.Eiusdem Vestrae Maiestatis servitor et capellanus humillimus Stephanus Brodericus praepositus Quinqueecclesiensis, orator On the outer side: Serenissimo principi et domino, domino Sigismundo Dei gratia regi Poloniae ac magno duci Lithvaniae etc., domino semper mihi clementissimo13 István Brodarics to Sigismund I Rome, 15 January 1523 Manuscript used: BN T. 4. fol. 130r. Published: Acta Tomiciana VI. 225–226. 1. He put forth Sigismund’s request to the Pope again regarding the Płock bishopric, but this time Cardinal de Grassis, who had been away before, also spoke up to the Pope in this matter. – 2. He will learn the Pope’s answer from de Grassis’ letter. The Pope cannot be dissuaded from his earlier intention, so pushing the issue further is senseless. That is, benefices of those who died in the Town are handled differently in Rome. They try to get hold of such benefices themselves. Serenissime Princeps et Domine, Domine Clementissime. Post servitutis meae perpetuae in gratiam Vestrae Maiestatis humillimam commendationem. [1.] Acceperam rursus litteras a Vestra Maiestate super negotio ecclesiae Plocensis, in quo rursus apud Sanctissimum Dominum Nostrum omni studio, fide et diligentia elaboravi. Contigit autem reverendissimum etiam dominum cardinalem de Grassis,1 qui per hos superiores dies abfuerat, neque prioribus illis apud pontificem actionibus atque intercessionibus interesse potuerat, praesenti negotio affuisse. Itaque cum ipse prior (ut par erat) apud pontificem diligentissime pro hoc negotio egisset, responsumque non valde a desiderio Vestrae Maiestatis alienum reportasset, ego suam praeterea reverendissimam dominationem subsecutus et re omni rursus ex integro Sanctissimo Domino Nostro declarata commemoratisque incommodis et incendiis, quae ex hoc
1 Achilles de Grassis (or Achille Grassi) (1456–1523), Cardinal. A high priest of Polish origin. He went on diplomatic missions to several European courts from 1508. Sigismund wrote several letters to him concerning the Płock bishopric in the autumn of 1522, and asked for his intervention. (Compare: AT VI. 145–146, 153–154, 207.) oriri possent, non potui tamen aliud et magis praesentaneum responsum a Sua Sanctitate impetrare. [2.] Responsum ipsum, quod uterque nostrum habuit, ex litteris reverendissimi domini cardinalis Maiestas Vestra intelliget,2 contra quod ego non existimarem, Clementissime Domine, Maiestati Vestrae (quod cum illius gratia dictum sit) iam amplius repugnandum. Nam aut difficillimum certe erit, quantumcunque nitamur, aut prorsus impossibile pontificem ex hac sententia deduci.3 Et isti latius aliquanto interpretantur et extendunt Sedis Apostolicae iura, eorumque sacerdotia, qui, quacunque de causa in Urbe manserint et vitam finierint, ad suas provisiones spectare contendunt. Quod quidem iurene an iniuria faciant, viderint alii.4 Ego si quid vel in hoc adhuc, vel in quibuscunque aliis negotiis Vestrae Maiestati servire possum, supplico humillime, dignetur mihi praecipere et iubere, cui nihil gratius, nihil optatius erit, quam Vestrae Maiestatis iussa et imperia impigre capessere et diligentissime obire. Me et meam servitutem perpetuam rursus in gratiam Vestrae Maiestatis humillime commendo. Quam Deus conservet felicem et victoriosam.
Ex Urbe XV. Ianuarii 1523. Eiusdem Maiestatis Vestrae servitor et capellanus humillimus Stephanus Brodericus praepositus Quinqueecclesiensis, orator On the outer side: Serenissimo principi et domino, domino Sigismundo Dei gratia Poloniae regi ac magno duci Lithvaniae etc. domino semper mihi clementissimo 26 victoriosam correxi ex: victoriosum From Sigismund‘s answer below it seems he had not received de Grassis’ letter. Essentially the Pope refused all of Sigismund’s requests. His candidate for the bishopric of Płock remained Marquis Johann Albrecht, he reduced the period of the kermess to half a year, and wanted to charge his own people with the collection of the Peter’s pence. Naturally, Sigismund protested indignantly. See his letter to Cardinal de Grassis: AT VI. 207. 4 Against this argumentation, the Polish court referred to international law which says that envoys are entitled to immunity and extraterritoriality, so it does not matter that Ciołek died in Rome. Since he was an envoy of the Polish King, it should be regarded as if he had died in Poland. Compare:. Sigismund’s letter to Archbishop of Gniezno Jan Łaski: AT VI. 159–160. 14 István Brodarics to Sigismund I Rome, 26 January 1523 Manuscript used: BN T. 4. fol. 131r. Published: Acta Tomiciana VI. 226. Brodarics, as instructed, held negotiations with the Pope again regarding the Płock bishopric. The King will learn the Pope’s intentions from the latter’s breve. The Pope shows goodwill towards him and is ready to please him in any way since he knows that the fate of Christianity is in a large part in Sigismund’s hands. Serenissime Princeps et Domine, Domine Clementissime. Post servitutis meae in gratiam Vestrae Serenissimae Maiestatis humillimam commendationem. Rursus non destiti urgere et sollicitare Sanctissimum Dominum Nostrum iuxta commissionem Vestrae Maiestatis in negotio ecclesiae Plocensis. Cuius animi sit Sua Sanctitas Vestra Maiestas intelliget ex litteris sive brevi Suae Sanctitatis.
Scripsi alias de affectione Suae Sanctitatis erga Vestram Maiestatem et scripsi meram veritatem, et scio, quod non solum in hoc sed in omnibus, quibus unquam poterit gratificari Vestrae Maiestati, erit ad gratificandum paratissimus. Intelligit id, quod revera ita est, magnam partem salutis Christianae reipublicae post Deum esse in manu Vestrae Maiestatis. Ego et me et meam servitutem humillimam rursus in gratiam Vestrae Maiestatis commendo. Quam Deus conservet semper felicem et victoriosissimam.
Ex Urbe XXVI. Ianuarii 1523. Eiusdem Vestrae Serenissimae Maiestatis humillimus servitor et capellanus Stephanus Brodericus orator serenissimi domini regis Hungariae 15 Sigismund I to István Brodarics [Cracow], [February 1523] Manuscript used: BJ 6556 fol. 70r–v.1 1. Letters of Brodarics leave him in uncertainty regarding bishoprics of Płock and Przemiśl. – 2. He asks for clarification of the situation. Should the Pope decide otherwise than he wishes, he will in no way be diverted from his purpose. Reverendissime Devote nobis Dilecte. [1.] In negotio episcopatuum Plocensis et Premisliensis, quod ut istic curares, a te
1 Another manuscript: BCzart TN 35. fol. 397–398. postulavimus, binas tuas litteras accepimus,2 quarum alteris refers te ad litteras pontificis, ex quibus nihil pro voto nostro cognovimus, alteris item litteras reverendissimi domini cardinalis protectoris nostri, quas non habuimus, allegas, unde in dies magis in ipso negotio incerti reddimur. Quae res molestior est nobis, quam dici possit, nihilque nobis magis praeter spem accidere potuit, quam cum nos et serenissimus dominus nepos noster unum simus, et illius maiestatis negotia non secus istic Romae, quam nostra propria per oratores nostros curabantur. Nunc istud negotium nostrum talibus involucris et ambagibus tractari.[2.] Et proinde postulamus a te, ut nobis tandem aperte scribas, quid agatur in ipso negotio, nam non dubium est, quin summus pontifex, cum ita res succedit, parvi faciat postulata nostra iustissima, aliudque facere in hoc ipso negotio, quam quod nos volumus aut ferre possumus, contendat, de quo, quidquid id sit, vellemus quam primum certiores fieri, ut rebus nostris opportuno modo prospiciamus. Nam qui
d quid illius Sanctitas tam de episcopatibus, quam etiam sacerdotiis aliter disponere voluerit, quam nos constituerimus, et illius Sanctitati declaravimus, nos id nullo pacto admittemus, et licet Sanctitas Sua, ut scribis, de sua sententia, quam semel concepit, non facile decedat, tamen et nos de iustitia et dignitate nostra nulli hactenus gratia Dei cessimus, neque cessuros nos ipso Deo iuvante confidimus. Datum.16 Andrzej Krzycki1 to István Brodarics Cracow, 18 February 1523 Manuscript used: BK 243fol. 222v–223r.2 1. Krzycki expresses his joy over Brodarics’ letter to him. Neither long years nor distance made him forget their old friendship. – 2. He thanks for Brodarics’ congratulation to him for his appointment as Bishop of Przemiśl. He did not strive for it, did not even think of it. He is afraid, however, that a bishopric so near the Turks will hinder him in achieving his literary goals. – 3. He has been informed about the election of the Pope, and is worried that the situation of the church would not improve in Poland, especially due to schemes of the Czech. – 4. He has been informed that there are plots in Rome regarding the rest of his benefices, although he cannot accept the bishopric without those. Reverendissime Domine, Domine et Amice Honorandissime. [1.] Rediens huc ex Lithvania litteras Dominationis Vestrae a quodam, qui dudum istinc
4 nostro om. BCzart TN 35 4 alteris: alterius BCzart TN 35 1 domine om. BK 245 2 15 voluerit: velit BCzart TN 35 2 post Vestrae ms. BK 245: Reverendissimae add. Presumably Brodarics’ letters written on 1 and 15 January 1523. 1 Andrzej Krzycki (1482–1537) Humanist, poet, high priest, diplomat. Cousin of Bishop of Cracow and Vice-Chancellor Piotr Tomicki. On his life more recently: Leszek Barszcz, Andrzej Krzycki, poeta, dyplomata, prymas, Gniezno, 2005. [Bibliography 196–203.] 2 Another manuscript: BK 245 fol. 29 r–v ex Urbe venerat, accepi, ex quibus quam non oblita nostrae veteris consuetudinis,3 et qua me benevolentia complectatur, abunde cognovi. Quae quidem litterae loco magni cuiuspiam muneris mihi exstiterunt. Fuit enim spectata semper virtus Vestrae Dominationis et consuetudo iucundissima, quam cum per tot annos tantamque locorum intercapedinem video non exstinctam, plurimum mihi gratulor, et Vestrae Dominationi, quas maiores possum, gratias ago. Equidem nihil magis cupio, quam hunc illius erga me animum aliquibus meis officiis demereri, meumque vicissim erga illam studium et observantiam testari. Quod ut aliquando praestare possim, nihil operae meae, nihil occasionis praetermittam. [2] Quod vero Vestra Dominatio eam mihi gratiam, qua me valere apud serenissimum dominum meum intellexit, gratulatur, ago quidem illi immensas gratias, verum mallem, ut aliquando quieti meae, cuius sum amantissimus, praesertim in tantis rerum publicarum turbis ac discriminibus gratulari possit. Nescio autem, quo meo fato sit, ut quo magis me in portum refero, hoc magis aestus me in altum repellit. Nam ipse clementissimus dominus meus me non vulgaribus sacerdotiis auxisset, et ego iam mihi et litterulis meis vivere destinassem, ecce me adeo non ambientem, ut ne cogitantem quidem haec unquam ad Premisliensem pontificatum4 evexit, tanquam e sinu quodam, ubi lenior fluctuatio, ad pelagus fluctuosissimum. Primum enim episcopatus ipse situs est in faucibus infidelium, ubi continuo casus et ruina est metuenda. Deinde in quantis turbis versetur res ecclesiastica in his regionibus, credo Vestram Dominationem non ignorare, in quibus nihil consultius videatur, quam latere.
[3.] Porro intelligimus summum pontificem, quem sperabamus redempturum Israel, huic incendio faces etiam addere,5 quo haud dubium est aliquod grave discrimen secuturum, et si Vestra Dominatio hic adesset, et animum principis ac regnicolarum omnium exacerbatum videret, iudicaret prorsus de ipsa re ecclesiastica hic actum.
13 post vestris ms. BK 245: sit add. 17 post Vestrae ms. BK 245: Reverendissimae add. 18 illius erga me: erga me illius BK 245 19 et om. BK 245 12 Vestra Dominatio: Reverendissima Dominatio Vestra BK 245 13 post dominum ms. BK 245: regem add. 15 ac: et BK 245 15 post discriminibus ms. BK 245: Reverendissima Dominatio Vestra mihi add. 15 autem: enim BK 245 16 sit: fit BK 245 16 post nam ms. BK 245: cum add. 3 18 ut: et BK 245 19 post unquam ms. BK 245: clementia domini mei add. 21 est om. BK 245 22 post Dominationem ms. BK 245: Reverendissimam add. 23 ignorare: ignorasse BK 245:, in...latere om. BK 245 24 Porro intelligimus om. BK 245 25 redempturum Israel: Israel redempturum BK 245: 25 quo haud: ex quibus non BK 245 26 secuturum: sequi BK 245 26 post Dominatio ms. BK 245: Reverendissima add. 27 hic: sit BK 245 This is the earliest letter in the Krzycki–Brodarics correspondence. We do not know exactly how long they had known each other, but it must have been a long time (per totos annos). Since Krzycki, like Brodarics, studied in Bologna in the first years of the century, conceivably they might have met there. 4 After the death of Bishop of Płock Erazm Ciołek (1522) Sigismund appointed Rafał Leszczyński, Bishop of Przemiśl as his successor. Thus the latter bishopric became vacant. Krzycki, who had been Provost of Poznań got this. 5 A clear allusion to the discord between the Pope and the Polish court regarding the appointment of bishops Non desunt Bohemi et alii vicini, qui ignem succendant, nisi quod aegre adhuc per pontifices nostros arcetur incendium. Ego me huic aleae admixtum vehementer doleo, meque, si iuris mei essem, ex hac turba libentissime subducerem. Episcopatus Plocensis iussus est in manus secularium tradi, electo regio locus in senatu episcopi Plocensis, et mihi Premisliensis est assignatus imperio principis ac procerum omnium. Quid reliquum futurum sit, ubi pontifex et vos istic ita rem, ut coepistis, tractaveritis, non libet augurari. [4.] Scribitur etiam nobis, quod de meis istic sacerdotiis nescio quid cudatur, sine quibus ego nunquam episcopatum hunc recipiam,6 et proinde rogo et obsecro Vestram Dominationem, ut me quamprimum certiorem reddere dignetur, quid monstri istic alatur, et in hoc saltem mihi opituletur, si in alio non libet, ut in hac re, quomodocunque successerit, diutius non pendeam. De reliquis viderint alii.
Commendo me Dominationi. Cracoviae die 18. Februarii 1523. 17 Sigismund I to István Brodarics [Cracow], [around 15 May 1523] Manuscript used: BJ 6556 fol. 71r–v.1 1. Sigismund cannot understand why matters of the bishoprics of Płock and Przemiśl take so long to settle, when the Pope does not benefit from this, but his candidates suffer considerable harm. – 2. He asks Brodarics to help his envoy to the Pope in every way since he will not allow settling the matter differently than what he had decided. Reverendissime sincere nobis Dilecte. [1.] Nescimus, quid sibi velit, quod negotium episcopatus Plocensis et Premisliensis tam diu istic haereat, idque absque ulla necessitate et commodo summi pontificis
28 Bohemi et alii om. BK 245 28 succedant: succedunt BK 245 28 post aegre ms. BK 245: adhuc om. 29 pontifices nostros: episcopos BK 245 31 locus in senatu: in senatu lucus BK 245 33 reliquum: denique BK 245 36 post rogo ms. BK 245: et obsecro om. 3 ulla: nulla BCzart TN 35 37 post Dominationem ms. BK 245: Reverendissimam add., ut om. 38 et in hoc saltem mihi opituletur, si in alio non libet: et in hoc saltem mihi, si in alio non libet, opituletur BK 245 39 viderint: videant BK 245 39 post me ms. BK 245: ex corde Reverendissimae Dominationi Vestrae add. The Polish King, too, requested that Krzycki be allowed to keep his other benefices besides the bishopric sine quibus in episcopatu Premisliensi exili et lacero, ut in finibus infidelium statum suum cum debita dignitate sustinere non posset (compare: AT VI. 135.) 1 Another 6 manuscript: BCzart TN 35. fol. 731. cum maxima tamen perturbatione regni nostri et servorum ac consiliariorum nostrorum, quos ad eos episcopatus designavimus impendio et iactura.2 [2.] Itaque postulamus a te ut huic nuntio nostro3 auxilium et consilium omne praebeas, quo negotium ipsum ex tricis istis evolvatur. Nam ut prius tibi scripsimus, non patiemur ullo pacto, ut aliter id ipsum negotium, quam designavimus, transigatur. Quando quidem intelligimus, quorsum haec involucra et ambages tendere, ut nobis contumelia et difficultates in rebus nostris inferantur, quibus si, ut debes, cum nos et serenissimus nepos noster unum sumus, afficeris, consulas et adsis, ut tandem haec tragoedia finem capiat, ne quid deterius hinc emanet. Quam operam tibi uberrima gratia nostra referemus.
18 Louis II to István Brodarics Buda, 1 June 1523 Manuscript used: MOL DF 2760781 Partially published: Veress Endre (ed.), Akták és levelek Erdély- és Magyarország Moldvával és Havasalfölddel való viszonyához, Budapest, 1914, 125.2 1. He has learnt that a papal envoy arrives in Hungary with an aid of fifty thousand gold coins. This is needed badly for hiring mercenaries as soon as possible. – 2. The Turks occupied Wallachia again, and, together with the two Romanian voivodships and the Tatars they represent a serious threat to Transylvania and Szörény, and even the whole country. A significant Turkish force assembled already near Szörény which, although would not start an overall attack on the country, can cause considerable harm through minor attacks and occupying border fortresses. – 3. The Turks threaten Croatia. Lightning has hit the powdermagazine in Temesvár. It exploded and there is significant damage. He asks Brodarics to urge the Pope to give financial aid in any case. – 4. Louis does everything in his power to contain the Turks, but this is not a struggle between equals since it should not be the task of one sole king to defeat the lord of a whole empire. – 5. Brodarics should see to it that the papal court does not spend money allotted from tenths to anything but defence against the Turks. Venerabilis Fidelis nobis Dilecte. 1 Apud hunc versum eadem manu in marg. add. Copia litterarum regis Hungariae ad oratorem suum Romae. Datum Budae prima Iunii 1523. 2 Another reason to date the letter for May is that the same arguments appear in a letter to Cardinal Bernardo Carvajal sent on 15 May 1523. (Compare: AT VI. 275.) 3 Sigismund sent Hieronym Łaski to Rome to protest raising Marquis of Brandenburg Johann Albrecht Bishop of Płock. (Compare: AT VI. 214–216.) 1 The same manuscript can be found in the HHStA in Vienna (HHStA, Ung. Akt. Fasc. 1. Konv. D, fol. 96–97.) 2 Only the first third of the letter (Redditum nobis ... societatem allicere.) is included in Veress’ documentary compilation. [1.] Redditum nobis paulo post tuas litteras3 est breve Apostolicum4 de summa quinquaginta milium ducatorum, quae nondum accepimus in huius afflicti regni nostri defensionem a Sanctissimo Domino Nostro et ista Sede Apostolica decretorum, designatum quoque legatum amplissimum patrem, Sancti Sixti cardinalem5 maiore ad nos propediem venturum praesidio intelleximus. Explicas autem non obscure, quantum id praesidii futurum sit, videlicet unde conduci, atque aliquamdiu sit opus, peditum decem milia possint, fatemur has copias viribus nostris nec levem, nec mediocrem futuram accessionem. Si tamen hoc tempore pedites istos conductos et in locis opportunis cum nostro peditatu atque equitatu dispositos haberemus, maiori essent nobis adiumento, quam si paucis post mensibus viginti milia conducerentur.
[2.] Nam, ut rerum nostrarum statum cognoscas, vayvoda Radwl, quem nos anno superiore Valachiae Transalpinae praefeceramus6 Turcis provinciam summa vi nuper occupantibus et novum vayvodam7 cum vexillo imperatoris inducentibus rursum cedere et in Transsilvaniam cum optimis quibusque et nostrarum partium viris confugere est coactus. Cum igitur haec provincia in hostium sit potestate, cogita, quantum Transsilvaniae ac Severino aut ne quid de partibus loquamur, quantum universo regno nostro impendeat periculi. Adiungere enim hostes sibi poterunt Valachiae utriusque populos et, si libitum fuerit, ipsos etiam Tartaros in belli ac praedae societatem allicere. Quibus etiam si resistere possimus, quomodo resistamus eodem tempore Turcarum caesari, quem constans fama est intra hos dies paucos regnum nostrum a partibus illis inferioribus cum omnibus suis et terrestribus et navalibus copiis invasurum. Habet iam ad vada Danubii non procul a Zenderonia8 validissimum et paratissimum cum ducibus peritissimis exercitum, navium ac tormentorum bellicorum maximum numerum. Et, ut opinio est, quamprimum caesar, qui in dies exspectatur, ad exercitum venerit, rem summis viribus per terras et flumina aggredietur. Quod si forte contra nostram et omnium opinionem, caesar ipse mutato consilio hac aestate regnum nostrum nollet invadere, illud tamen certum et indubitatum habere poteris tantos paratos exercitus diu nequaquam fore otiosos, sed sub bonis et peritis ducibus, quales illi dicuntur esse, facinus, quod maximum poterunt, tum in oppugnandis arcibus finitimis tum in vastandis et diripiendis regnis nostris experientur.
28 Exercitus correxi ex: exercitos. We do not know Brodarics’ letter. Few of the breves of Hadrian VI survived, there is none among these that was sent to Louis II. (For this piece of data I am indebted to Gábor Nemes.) 5 Tommaso Cajetan De Vio (1468–1534) Dominican monk, eminent theologian and philosopher, protector of papal primacy. Legate of Hadrian VI in Hungary in 1523. 6 V. Radu (Radu de la Afumaţi) Voivod of Wallachia, illegitimate son of Radu cel Mare. Usually his policies were anti-Turkish, and he had to leave his country several times between 1522–1529. He fled to Transylvania from the Turks invading his country in April 1523, but with the support of János Szapolyai, Transylvanian Voivod, he recaptured his throne already in January 1524. When he turned against the Sultan once again in 1529 his subjects killed him. 7 Vladislav III, supported by the Turks, was Voivod of Wallachia temporarily three times between 1523–1525. 8 Szendrő (today: Smederevo, Serbia). [3.] Non putes Croatiam periculis vacuam fore. Designati sunt et expediti praefecti duo, qui cum aliquot hominum milibus excidio illius quoque regni nostri deserti extremam manum adiciant. Neque id patiemur te ignorare, quod his diebus ad multa finium nostrorum incommoda et varias calamitates accessit: turris arcis nostrae Themesiensis editissima omnium et firmissima icta fulmine accensa est. In qua cum essent cadi aliquot pulveris tormentarii et sulfuris repositi, tanta vis exstitit incendii, ut non solum turris illa ab unis fundamentis sit convulsa, verum etiam murorum magna pars repente corruerit. Haec idcirco scribenda ad te curavimus, ut possis Sanctissimo Domino Nostro sacrorumque patrum collegio latius explicare, quibus undique periculis simus circu
m septi, et quantum istius Sedis Apostolicae atque adeo omnium principum Christianorum ope et auxilio egeamus. Age gratias eius Sanctitati, verbis, quibus poteris maxime appositis et accommodatis, quod tam pie ac liberaliter iuvare nos constituerit. Sed illud Suam Sanctitatem etiam atque etiam admonere et obsecrare non desinas, ne aliquam in mittendo illo subsidio pecuniario iam promisso et in legato expediendo moram velit interponere. Sera enim praesidia parum aut nihil omnino afferre adiumenti poterunt. Hostes autem, ut intelligis, imminent omnibus rebus parati et accincti.[4.] Instabis praeterea diligentissime pro pace, concordia aut indutiis inter principes Sanctitatis Suae auctoritate conciliandis. Nos enim, ut saepe sumus testati, his dissidentibus exiguam admodum aut potius nullam publicae salutis et conservandae reipublicae Christianae spem habemus. Noli existimare nos ita ab extrema spe et praesidiis pendere, ut domi, quae praestare ipsi atque efficere possumus, negligamus. Verum scis, quid inter caesaris potentiam tot annis tam feliciter auctam et nostras vires adeo debilitatas et fractas intersit. Non unius regis aut populi videtur esse, ut tantum tyrannum, tot populorum ac nationum dominum, non dicamus superare, sed si totus incumbat, finibus suis arcere saltem et repellere possit.
[5.] Taxam decimarum scribis a reverendissimis dominis cardinalibus et officialibus exigi, recte id et coeptum et institutum et ordinatum iudicamus, immo totis viribus contendas, ne Sanctissimus Dominus Noster hanc taxam in alios usus, quam in huius regni et Christianorum adversus Turcarum defensionem abire patiatur.
19 István Brodarics to Sigismund I Rome, 10 June 1523 Manuscript used: BN T. 5. fol. 4r–5r. Published: Acta Tomiciana VI. 286–288. 1. Finally, success has been achieved in the matters of the bishoprics of Płock and Przemiśl. Cardinal Pucci fulfilled all the wishes of Sigismund; nevertheless, Brodarics himself did his utmost for success. – 2. New envoy of the King of England, Bishop of Bath has arrived. It is not known yet what suggestions he has regard 39 Sacrorum correxi ex: sacrum ing peace. Supposedly, the French King’s envoy is also on his way. – 3. He works day and night to obtain aid to King Louis; he hopes to squeeze out something after the lengthy procrastination. – 4. Cardinal Soderini is suspected of wanting to induce a riot in Sicily. He has been locked up in the Saint Angel Castle. Three cardinals investigate the case; no decision has been made yet. – 5. He says sorry to Sigismund for daring to interfere in matters that are perhaps beyond his scope, however, he does this for Sigismund and Hungary. – 6. It is said in Rome that Sigismund advised his cousin to consider signing peace or at least armistice with the Turks, since he is left on his own by Christian rulers. Brodarics feels Sigismund could not have given better or more beneficial advice, since he has been working on obtaining aid to Hungary sideby-side with Francesco Marsupino, and with the envoy of Archduke Ferdinand, for a whole year now, and received nothing but empty promises. Neither the Holy Seat nor other rulers can be counted upon, so Hungary and Poland themselves have to reach agreement with the Turks. Serenissime Princeps et Domine, Domine mihi Gratiosissime. Post servitutis meae perpetuae in gratiam Maiestatis Vestrae humillimam commendationem. [1.] Iam tandem tot difficultatibus superatis in proximo consistorio expedita est libere ecclesia Plocensis et simul etiam Premisliensis. Qua in re iuxta desiderium Vestrae Maiestatis conficienda enituit profecto illa diligens et accurata opera reverendissimi domini cardinalis protectoris,1 ut addi nihil potuerit. Ego etiam pro virili mea non defui, idem in posterum quoque facturus in omnibus rebus, in quibus Vestrae Maiestati servire potero et illa servitiis meis uti dignabitur. Quod ut facere velit, meque inter suos postremos servulos numerare, eidem humillime supplico.
[2.] Nova hinc nescio, quae Vestrae Maiestati scribam. De pace sive induciis inter principes Christianos adhuc superest aliqua particula spei. His diebus venit novus orator a serenissimo rege Angliae, episcopus Bathonensis,2 vir insignis et non parvae auctoritatis. Quid de pace attulerit – eius enim rei gratia venisse dicitur – nondum satis intelligere potui. Dicuntur et oratores Christianissimi regis adventare. Utinam pro salute totius Christianitatis boni aliquid concludi posset!
[3.] De subsidio serenissimo nepoti Maiestatis Vestrae, domino meo gratiosissimo, hic a Sede Apostolica subministrando, quae altera fuit pars meae legationis, multa quidem saepius deliberata et decreta, sed nondum aliquid ad effectum deductum. Dies et noctes laboro in pecuniis extricandis et legato, quoniam ita regiae etiam maiestati placuit, expediendo, fortasse iam tandem post tot et tam varias dilationes brevi extrudetur.
[4.] Cardinalem Volteranum ob suspicionem Siciliae ad defectionem sollicitatae et rerum novarum motus in custodiam atque adeo in arcem Sancti Angeli coniectum puto Maiestatem Vestram iam pridem intellexisse. De eo adhuc nihil est aliud decretum.
1 Lorenzo Pucci (1458–1531), Bishop of Melf, Cardinal from 1513. Offspring of an influential prelatic family, protonotary apostolic. 2 John Clerk (?–1541), Bishop of Bath. Carried out diplomatic missions in the service of Cardinal Wolsey several times. Cardinales tres, quibus cognitio huius causae demandata fuerat, fere quotidie per multas horas hanc rem in arce ventilant. Quid futurum sit, ignoro.3 [5.] Ceterum, Clementissime Princeps, oro supplex humillime Vestram Maiestatem, dignabitur mihi ignoscere, si de rebus forte supra conditionem meam exsistentibus pauca ad Vestram Maiestatem scribam. Non proficiscentur haec, nisi ex sincero et tam gloriae Maiestatis Vestrae, quam salutis regni Hungariae cupido et studioso animo, neque accipiat haec Maiestas Vestra perinde, quasi ego consulere aliquid audeam Vestrae Maiestati, alioquin sapientissimo et omnia per se prudentissimo consideranti, sed volui proponere tantum rem in conspectu Vestrae Maiestatis illius sapientissimo consilio et prudentia trutinandum.
[6.] Venerant his diebus certa nova ex aula serenissimi nepotis Maiestatis Vestrae, domini mei gratiosissimi ad pontificem scripta Maiestatem Vestram suadere nepoti suo serenissimo, ut cum videat se ab omnibus fere Christianis principibus destitutum, cogitaret de aliquibus induciis cum hoste faciendis. Quae quidem res licet et pontificem et reverendissimos dominos cardinales multum turbaverit, tamen in rei veritate, Serenissime Princeps, ego nihil potuissem audire, quod me inter tot metus magis recreare potuisset et quod existimassem ad praesentem rerum nostrarum statum esse magis accomodatum. Video principes Christianos partim inter se digladiari, partim otio domestico torpere et nihil penitus de re Christiana pensi habere. In Sede autem Apostolica, vel quod sit mala Leonis pontificis4 administratione, quod multi queruntur, penitus exhausta, vel quod in excusationem suam hoc utatur praetextu, parvam admodum spem nobis esse ponendam. Fui ego hic per annum integrum et amplius dies et noctes sollicitando aliquod subsidium pro nepote Maiestatis Vestrae, promissa sunt mihi maria et montes,5 declarati cardinales in Hungariam mittendi, multi menses in his consultationibus et legatorum expeditionibus frustra consumpti, actum non solum per me et collegam meum Franciscum Marsupinum,6 sed etiam per oratorem serenissimi principis Ferdinandi7 diligentissime atque acerrime toto isto tempore maximo labore et
3 Cardinal Francesco Soderini, Bishop of Volterra, was arrested on 27 April 1523 for encouraging the French King to occupy Sicily. Soderini was locked up in the Saint Angel Castle and a legal procedure started. Only the death of Hadrian VI brought it to an end. He was released after 14 September 1523, what’s more, he was allowed to participate in the conclave. More on his life: K. J. P. Lowe, Church and Politics in Renaissance Italy. The Life and Career of Cardinal Francesco Sodarini (1453–1524), Cambridge, 1993. (Cambridge Studies in Italian History and Culture) 4 Pope Leo X (1513–1521) 5 glorians maria montisque polliceri coepit: Sallustius: Cat. 23,3,4. Only Sallustius uses this combination of words in classical literature. 6 Francesco Marsupino, one-time Secretary of Archbishop Bakócz, stayed in Rome from 1518 as a permanent Hungarian envoy. 7 Starting with 7 February 1523, Ferdinand had two envoys in Rome, Pedro de Cordoba (Pedro Salamanca) and Girolamo Balbi. Pedro de Cordoba left Rome at the end of April, while Balbi stayed until about mid-June. Since Brodarics speaks about an envoy, it is unclear whom he refers to, but the date of the letter (10 June) makes Balbi more probable. Brodarics had known him longer anyway. Compare: Gerhard Rill, Fürst und Hof in Österreich. Von den habsburgischen Teilungsverträgen bis zur Schlacht Mohács (1521/22 bis 1526). Bd. 1. Außenpolitik und Diplomatie, Wien–Köln–Weimar, 1993, 241. diuturna ac nocturna sollicitudine ac discursatione non video, quid adhuc sim consecutus, nisi nudas spes et promissiones, factum autem penitus nullum. In tanta igitur rerum omnium desperatione ac principum Christianorum vel discordia vel negligentia, Sedis etiam Apostolicae vel paupertate vel tarditate, quid posset per immortalem Deum Vestra Maiestas melius suo serenissimo nepoti consulere, quam ut iam tandem tentatis omnibus, quae tentari potuerunt, de salute regnorum suorum aliter cogitaret? Si tamen haec consilia non essent iam nimium sera. Vestra Maiestas non me temeritatis accuset. Existimavi officium meum esse ex his, quae hic et in tota Christianitate agi video, Vestram Maiestatem, quae magis pater quam patruus est serenissimi domini mei, quid sentirem, facere certiorem. Quod si hac aestate salvi permanere possemus, existimarem, Clementissime Princeps, nihil esse salutarius, quam ut Vestra Maiestas mitteret quamprimum oratores suos expeditos oratoribus domini mei et serenissimi principis Ferdinandi iunctos, qui agerent apud omnes principes primum de pace aut treuga, si ea aliquo modo impetrari posset, si vero id nullo pacto effici posset, saltem pro subsidio competenti ab omnibus regibus et a Sede Apostolica pro proximo vere Vestris Maiestatibus suppeditando. Dandi autem subsidii et a Sede Apostolica et a ceteris principibus, maxime a rege Angliae8 et Portugaliae,9 duobus opulentissimis et pecuniosissimis principibus, multi essent modi, de quibus nunc plura non scribam.
Quod si neque de pace sive induciis, neque de sufficienti subsidio spem aliquam superesse Maiestates Vestrae viderent, veniendum esset omnino ad illum extremum, de quo superius scripsi. Quod ubi per Maiestates Vestras tractari intelligeretur, fortasse isti, quibus nunc tam submisse supplicamus, ultro nobis supplicatum venirent. Parcat mihi, rursus oro supplex, Maiestas Vestra, quod de his rebus ad eam scribere audeo, et nepoti suo carissimo, domino meo gratiosissimo ita consulat, ne inter tot spes pacis et exspectationis subsidiorum regnum, quod Deus avertat, amittat. Me et meam servitutem humillimam Vestrae Maiestati devotissime commendo. Quam Deus felicissimam et victoriosissimam conservet.
Ex Urbe X. Iunii. 1523. Eiusdem Maiestatis Vestrae servitor et capellanus humillimus Stephanus Brodericus praepositus Quinqueecclesiensis, orator 8 9 King English King Henry VIII (1509–1547). of Portugal John III (1521–1557). 20 Sigismund I to István Brodarics [Cracow], [July 1523] Manuscript used: BJ 6556 fol. 74v–75r.1 1. Brodarics is thanked for his help so far regarding the matters of the bishoprics of Płock and Przemiśl. Following Brodarics’ advice, he uses a softer tone in writing to the Pope, even though he already displayed more self-control than what was suggested by his subjects in a matter in which his country and his adherents are wronged. – 2. Brodarics is asked to settle matters of the two bishoprics without further delay or difficulties; benefices of the Canon of Cracow should be sent to Opaliński. Reverende sincere nobis Dilecte. [1.] Agimus et habemus gratias, quod negotium episcopatus Plocensis eo curaveris deducendum, ut iam res citra ulteriorem difficultatem confici possit.2 Rescribimusque Sanctissimo Domino Nostro, uti suades, lenius, quamvis nescimus, quid in tanta nostra molestia subditorumque nostrorum perturbatione scripserimus aequo asperius,3 quandoquidem nimio plus patienter et mansuete, quam ab ipsis subditis nostris ac aliis nobis consulebatur, negotium hoc tractavimus, utcunque est, quoniam iam illius Sanctitas voluntati et iuribus suis satisfecit.
[2.] Postulamus a te, ut tandem finis fiat huic tragoediae, fiatque provisio tam de episcopatu Plocensi, quam etiam Premisliensi, ita ut prius scripsimus, sine ulla pensione ac onere et sine aliqua mora et difficultate. Similiter ut de canonicatu Cracoviensi reverendi Raphaelis electi Plocensis servo nostro Opalenicio4 provideatur. Quod tibi
uberiori gratia et favore regio curabimus inferre. Datum.9 Postulamus: Postulavimus BCzart TN 35 manuscript: BCzart TN 35. fol. 747. See the previous letter of Brodarics. A letter by Andrzej Krzycki indicates that the letters from Rome arrived in Cracow on 7 July 1523. (Compare: AT. VI. 294.) 3 In his letter to Papal Nuncio Thomas Crnić (Negri), Hadrian VI remarked that Sigismund uses quite rough language in his letters. (Compare: AT VI. 223.) 4 Sebastian (Opalencki) Opaliński (around 1485–1538), Canon of Cracow, later Custos of Poznań, Royal Secretary. Sigismund informed Bishop of Przemiśl Rafał Leszczyński already in October 1522 that he is supposed to give up his prebend as Canon of Cracow simultaneously with his appointment to the Płock bishopric, so that the King can decide about it freely. (Compare: AT VI. 132–133.) 2 1 Another 21 István Brodarics to Ferenc Várdai1 Rome, 18 August 1523 Manuscript used: MOL DF 82611 Published: Lukcsics Pál, XVI. századi magyar irodalomtörténeti vonatkozású újabb levelek a zsélyi levéltárból, Irodalomtörténeti Közlemények, 1930, 222–223. In Hungarian: V. Kovács Sándor, Magyar humanisták levelei XV–XVI. század, Budapest, 1971, 559. 1. Várdai is informed that Archdean and Hungarian confessor in Rome János Lászai has been buried. Brodarics wants to recommend Imre Kálnai for the position to the Pope. He requests Várdai’s support so that the position does not fall into the hands of foreigners. – 2. He assumes, Várdai has learnt about the pact among Christian rulers reached on 5 August, which is favourable to Hungary. Reverendissime et Colendissime Domine. Post humilem commendationem. [1.] Hodie sepelivimus dominum Ioannem archidiaconum Vestrae Dominationis Reverendissimae penitentiarium.2 Eius archidiaconatus ne ad manus alienas perveniret, et ne inde successu temporis maiora aliqua incommoda et molestias Vestra Reverendissima Dominatio habere possit, ago nunc apud pontificem, ut Emericus de Kalna,3 bonus servitor unacum fratribus Vestrae Dominationis Reverendissimae
1 Ferenc Várdai (around 1460–1524), Bishop of Transylvania. His acquaintance with Brodarics undoubtedly began in Padua where they studied at the same time enjoying the benefices of prebend. Vladis laus II ordered in 1500 (see MOL DL 82165, 82166, 82167, 82200) that Vitus Roznár, as a foreigner, be deprived of his benefices as Custos of Gyulafehérvár, and those were given to Várday. (Compare: Hermann Zsuzsanna, Egy humanista karrierje (Balbi Jeromos), Az Egyetemi Könyvtár vkönyvei, Budapest, 1964, 228.) Several of Várday’s letters written in Italy between March 1500 and April 1504 survived. (His letter on 10 April 1501 was published by Pál Lukcsics: XVI. századi magyar irodalomtörténeti vonatkozású újabb levelek a zsélyi levéltárból, Irodalomtörténeti Közlemények, 1930, 222. His other letters are kept in the MOL: Padua, 20 March 1500. DL 82163; 19 January 1503. DL 82195; and 21 January DL 82196; Bologna, 23 July 1503. DL 82199; Venice, 3 September 1503 DL 82201; Bologna, 20 April 1504. DL 82207.) After his return home, he is Royal Secretary first, then Treasurer, later Bishop of Vác, then of Transylvania. Compare: Borsa Gedeon, Bornemisza Pál megemlékezése Várdai Ferencről és a többi Mohács előtti bolognai, magyar vonatkozású nyomtatvány. Irodalomtörténeti Közlemények, 1983, 48–58. 2 János Lászai (Lazo, 1448?–Rome, 17 August 1523), Humanist, poet, member of the Gyulafehérvár chapter, Archdean of Telegd. He had a chapel built in the Gyulafehérvár cathedral in Renaissance style in 1512. Hungarian confessor of the St. Peter’s Basilica in Rome from 1517 until his death. More on Lászai: V. Kovács Sándor, Egy epigrammaköltő a Jagell-korban = Eszmetörténet és régi magyar irodalom. Tanul mányok, Budapest, 1987, 396–427. 3 Imre Kálnai (1493?–1544), Humanist. He finished his lower school between 1505–1510 in Várad, together with Miklós Oláh. He earned Magister degree in Bologna. Royal secretary in 1525–26, member of Jakab Piso’s circle. Withdraws from politics after Mohács, but remains adherent of King John. More on his l m life: V. Kovács Sándor, Egy humanista a mohácsi vész korában (Kálnai Imre), Irodalomtörténeti Köze é nyek, 1970, 661–667. adipiscatur.4 Nam nisi hanc viam tenerem, nescio, cui conferretur, penitus extraneo et alieno, ut fieri consuevit. Qua tamen in re nescio, quid adhuc sequetur. Supplico Dominationi Vestrae Reverendissimae, dignetur ipsam personam eius habere commendatam. Scio fratres eius ad unum omnes et ipsum quoque esse optimum servitorem Vestrae Reverendissimae Dominationis. Sit contenta Vestra Dominatio Reverendissima, ut suis potius benefiat, quam alienis. Vestra Dominatio Reverendissima scit bene, quid de talibus beneficiis fieri sol et et quibus involucris talia soleant implicari.5[2.] Nova nunc alia non sunt. Nam de confoederatione inter omnes pene totius Christianitatis principes V. huius mensis sollemniter publicata, credo iam Vestram Dominationem audiisse. Eam credo ego rebus nostris, si tandem expergisci voluerimus, fore procul dubio salutarem. Haec raptissime.
Me rursus in gratiam Vestrae Dominationis Reverendissimae et hoc negotium humiliter commendo. Ex Urbe XVIII. Augusti 1523. Eiusdem Vestrae Reverendissimae Dominationis servitor deditissimus Stephanus Brodarych orator On the outer side: Reverendissimo Domino Meo, Domino Fratri episcopo Transsilvanensi etc., Domino observandissimo22 Sigismund I to István Brodarics [Cracow], [September 1523]1 Manuscript used: BJ 6556 fol. 76r.2 1. Doctor Lucas has returned from Rome and reported about Brodarics’ diligence in the case of the Płock bishopric. Brodarics can therefore count on the King’s gratitude. – 2. He holds grudges for the matter has not been settled yet because of the increased sum of annata, even though this sum was designated for fight against the infidels. Thus, leaving it with the country would be more appropriate than increasing it and thereby ransack the country. – 3. Brodarics should intervene for a discussion of the letter by Bishop of Płock and for renunciation of an increase of annata. 4 Kálnai, with Brodarics’ assistance, filed an application to Hadrian VI to earn archdeanship of Telegd right after the death of Lászai. He got it. More recently on Brodarics’ role in the appointment of Kálnai using numerous sources in archives in Rome: Lakatos Bálint, Kálnai Imre királyi titkári és főesperesi kinevezése (1523–1525). Adalékok a pápaság magyar személyi politikájához Mohács előtt, Századok, 2010, 411–431. 5 Várdai had to be familiar with the way such benefices were awarded because 10 years earlier he got bishopric of Transylvania essentially after a foreign beneficiary, elected Bishop of Bordeaux Johannes de Fuxo. See Lukcsics Pál, A gróf Zichy-család okmánytára XII., Budapest, 1931, 368. 1 The letter mentions neither the death of Hadrian VI (14 September) nor the following conclave (1 October–19 November), so presumably it was written before the Pope’s death. 2 Another manuscript: BCzart TN 35. fol. 749–750. Reverende nobis sincere Dilecte. [1.] Rediens istic ex Urbe doctor Lucas, quem in negotio episcopatus Plocensis miseramus, narravit nobis, quantam curam et diligentiam adhibueris in ipso negotio ex ipsis labyrinthis extricando. Qua re persuadeas tibi te nobis acceptissimum factum ac in eorum esse numero, quibus libenter commodare vellemus, prout hoc per omnem occasionem non praetermittimus.
[2.] Ceterum quod haereat adhuc istic ipsum negotium propter auctam annatam est nobis molestissimum, praesertim cum non ignoremus eas annatas fuisse primitus ad defensionem contra infideles concessas, quam nos cum serenissimo domino nepote nostro soli assidue sustinemus. Et proinde magis congrueret illas nobis contribui, quam eiusmodi auctionibus nos et regna nostra expilari.
[3.] Postulamus a te, operam facere velis, quo litterae ipsius episcopatus Plocensis expedire permittatur iuxta praedecessorum ipsius solutionem, nam nullo modo id ferre possumus, ut maioribus oneribus graventur ecclesiae nostrae satis alioquin superque gravatae. Faciet nobis rem gratissimam, quam tibi favore nostro regio curabimus referre. Datum.
23 István Brodarics to Sigismund I Rome, 22 October 1523 Manuscript used: BN T. 5. fol. 24r. Published: Acta Tomiciana VI. 326–327. 1. A new Pope has not been elected yet, even though the Cardinals have been in conclave since 1 October. Some suspect that they are waiting for the outcomeof the case of the French at Milan, so the election process may last for several further months. – 2. Sigismund’s letter on the Płock annata has been received. However, as long as there is no new Pope nothing can be done. He hopes Sigismund can reach an agreement at least with his cousin King Louis so that money allotted for the defence of Christianity gets to the proper place. – 3. The French are near Milan but suffer more damage than they cause. According to the Milan envoy they will soon withdraw since the French King is in the grip of a Spanish-English-German alliance. Serenissime Princeps, et Domine, Domine mihi Clementissime. Post servitutis meae perpetuae in gratiam Vestrae Maiestatis humillimam commendationem. 4 post te BCzart TN 35: a add. 5 hoc: haec BCzart TN 35 5 per correxi ex: pro, pro: per BCzart TN 35 [1.] Nihil adhuc de pontifice est factum.1 A prima huius mensis sunt in conclavi reverendissimi domini cardinales. Fama est eos exspectare exitum rerum Gallicarum in ducatu Mediolani.2 Sunt nonnulli, qui
credunt creationem hanc per multos adhuc dies vel forte menses differendam. Quidquid erit, Vestram Maiestatem curabo quamprimum facere certiorem.[2.] Accepi his diebus litteras Vestrae Maiestatis de annata Plocensi.3 Ante creationem pontificis fieri nihil posse Vestra Maiestas videt, postea dabo omnem operam. Utinam Vestra Maiestas cum ceteris principibus Christianis vel saltem cum serenissimo nepote suo, domino meo gratiosissimo4 iniret aliquam rationem, ut ista, quae pro Christi religione defendenda instituta fuere, illuc potius converterentur. Sed de his satis, scio enim veritatem scribere quam sit periculosum. Sed nunc sede vacante plura quam alias licent.
[3.] Galli adhuc circa Mediolanum haerent, plura damna patientes quam inferentes. Nuntiavit mihi nunc dominus orator Mediolani,5 accepisse se litteras ex Mediolano die 18. huius mensis, in quibus scribebatur eos revocari, regem Galliae undique ab Hispanis, Anglis, Germanis coniuratione illa Barboniana6 vehementissime premi.
Me et meam servitutem in gratiam Vestrae Maiestatis rursus humillime commendo. Quam Deus felicissimam et incolumem conservet. Ex Urbe XXII. Octobris 1523. Eiusdem Vestrae Maiestatis servitor et capellanus humillimus Stephanus Brodericus praepositus Quinqueecclesiensis, orator 3 apud factum in marg.: post mortem Adriani eadem manu add. Hadrian VI died on 14 September 1523. French troops started the siege of Milan on 24 September 1523, and although they maintained a blockade the whole winter, they did not succeed in capturing it. On hearing about the approaching rescue army they had to retreat. 3 See the previous letter. 4 Louis II, Hungarian King (1516–1526). 5 I have found no data about the identity of the Milan envoy. 6 Duke Charles de Bourbon, an eminent commander in chief of Francis I fell out with the French ruler in 1522 as a result of inheritance issue, deserted him and sided with Charles V. France was attacked from three directions under his leadership at the end of 1522: The English landed in Picardia, a Spanish army besieged Bayonne, a German mercenary army intruded into Champagne under the leadership of Wilhelm von Fürstenberg. See Rázsó Gyula, A lovagkor csatái, Budapest, 1987, 277. 24 István Brodarics to Ferenc Várdai1 Rome, 16 November 1523 Manuscript used: MOL DF 826212 Published: Lukcsics Pál, XVI. századi magyar irodalomtörténeti vonatkozású újabb levelek a zsélyi levéltárból, Irodalomtörténeti Közlemények, 1930, 223–225. 1. Várdai is informed in detail on the outcome of the trial about the will of János Lászai and on Várdai’s duties regarding this. He suggests accepting the agreement offered, since he cannot expect a better deal: the Pauline Fathers should get their 60 forints that is due, and the 200 forints that Lászai owed them according to his will. – 2. He asks Várdai to send also the 16 forints that Kálnai borrowed for the journey home and for which Brodarics vouched. – 3. There is still no Pope; the French are stationed at Milan; the Emperor is about to intrude in France from Navarra. – 4. Kálnai is brought into his attention again. Kálnai’s loyalty and knowledge make him worthy of becoming Archdean of Telegd. Reverendissime Domine, Domine mihi Colendissime. [1.] Iam binas dedi litteras3 ad Dominationem Vestram Reverendissimam de ea re, de qua dominum Emericum litteratum,4 servitorem suum ad me miserat, quibus, ut se res habuisset, abunde perscripsi. Nunc autem et auctoritate reverendissimi domini cardinalis de Medices,5 protectoris regni Hungariae, qui se, antequam conclave6 ingrederetur, huic negotio [...]luerat, et mea maxima diligentia ac labore, ad hunc finem tandem [...] ad quam me nunquam sperassem, deducturum. Conventio igitur inter me
et ple bani pridem mortui executores ita facta est, ut ipsi litem Dominationi VestraeReverendissimae amplius ne faciant sub poena dupli eius summae, quam Dominationem Vestram Reverendissimam solvere constitutum est, cuius rei obligationem manu sua scriptam is, cuius maxime interest, executor mihi dedit. Rursum, ut Dominatio Vestra Reverendissima per totum hoc tempus, usque ad finem Martii sexaginta florenos in auro huc mittat, non executoribus, ipsi enim neque unum obulum sibi dari ex iis petunt, sed coenobio fratrum Hungarorum de Caelio Monte, in quo ille sepultus est, ut sit elemosina pro anima eius.7 Quod si per illud tempus Dominatio Vestra Reverendissima pecuniam illam non miserit, ut liceat illis rursus de integro contra Dominationem Vestram Reverendissimam procedere et litigare. Quapropter DominatioOn Várdai see the note for Brodarics’ letter on 18 August. The text in the document is severely damaged at several places. 3 Concerning János Lászai, we only know a letter from Brodarics to Várdai on 18 August. The conflict concerning the will is not mentioned in that one, so here Brodarics is referring to two lost letters. 4 Imre Kálnai. About him also see the notes for the letter on 18 August 1523. 5 Cardinal Giulio de Medici, cousin of the previous Medici Pope, Leo X. 6 After the death of Hadrian VI the conclave gathered on 1 October. Exactly the above mentioned Giulio de’ Medici was elected Pope on 19 November, three days after this letter was written. 7 János Lászai was buried in Santo Stefano Rotondo located on Monte Celio in Rome. Pope Nicholas V had donated it with the monastery next to it to the Pauline Fathers in 1454. Lászai’s tomb still can be seen in Santo Stefano Rotondo. Vestra Reverendissima consideret, rogo, diligenter, quid agendum sit. Mihi profecto hoc negotium eo modo confectum videtur, ut id neque commodius, neque melius confici posse, aut potuisse unquam existimem. Reputet Dominatio Tua Reverendissima, si litem de integro moverint (quemadmodum eos omnino moturos existimo, nisi pactum servetur), quantae impensae sint faciendae, profecto vel ad unam missionem huc illos LX florenos expendet Dominatio Vestra Reverendissima, ut omittam, si illi causam obtinuerint (ut confidunt), quantum persolvere Dominationem Vestram Reverendissimam necesse futurum est. Ego certe (loquor enim ut deditus servitor Dominationis Vestrae Reverendissimae) aequum esse et neque inutile existimarem, si Dominaio Vestra Reverendissima non solum istam paucam pecuniam illis pauperibus fratribus mitteret, verum etiam si quid aliud est rerum vel illius plebani, [..]us cuius ipse executor fuisse dicitur apud Dominationem Vestram Reverendissimam, quod integra conscientia teneri non possit, eam quoque ad usus pios, et bona opera impenderet. Exspectassem pontificis electionem,8 ut cum eo quoque agerem. Ceterum quoniam res ita nobis successit, ut neque pontifex eam commodius expedire potuisset, non putabam mihi diutius exspectandum, ne impensis inanibus per servitorem suum Dominatio Vestra Reverendissima gravaretur, praesertim quod iam is sibi impensas deficere querebatur. Nam quod Dominatio Vestra Reverendissima litem extingui pontificis auctoritate sperabat contra voluntatem executorum , mihi non modo difficile, verum etiam impossibile videtur, alioqui iniustum [...] De ducentis quoque florenis et nuper scripsi et nunc idem scribo. De illis [...] dominus Ioannes archidiaconus piae memoriae testamento Dominationem Tuam Reverendissimam [...] debere scripsit. Etiam si ego (qui minimus sum inter ceteros huius testamenti executores) subticere vellem, tamen alii nullo modo tacebunt, neque cessabunt, quousque illa summa reddatur. Proinde de illis quoque curam habeat Dominatio Vestra Reverendissima, ut quamprimum mittantur, ne aliquod negotium gravius inde (quod nollem) Dominationi Vestrae Reverendissimae oriatur.[2.] Emericus litteratus servitor Dominationis Vestrae Reverendissimae, cum diutius hic mansisset, quam eum Dominatio Vestra Reverendissima mansurum existimabat, adeo omnia expenderat, ut ei ad iter nihil reliquum esset, quare, cum discedere vellet, rogavit me, ut florenos sedecim mutuo darem, quos Dominatio Vestra Reverendissima quamprimum remissura esset. Ego quidem ei dare non potui, quoniam ipse quoque non parva angustia rei pecuniariae laboro, ceterum volens declarare me in omnibus, quibus possum, servitorem Dominationis Vestrae Reverendissimae esse curavi, ut ab alio illos sedecim florenos mutuo habere posset, atque ipse pro iis fideiussor factus sum ea conditione, ut nisi Dominatio Vestra Reverendissima ad praestitutum terminum mitteret, ipse mea pecunia solvere deberem. Idcirco rogo Dominationem Vestram Reverendissimam, ut hanc quoque pecuniam quamprimum remittat, ne ego, dum morem gerere Dominationi Vestrae Reverendissimae curo, ipse in aliquod damnum rerum mearum incurram.
28 post est: pecunia del. suprascr. rerum 8 The new Pope Clement VII was elected 3 days later, on 19 November. Sed et de hoc et de aliis omnibus latius Dominationi Vestrae Reverendissimae Emericus servitor eiusdem narrabit, cui fidem Dominatio Vestra Reverendissima habere dignetur. Opto eandem felicissime valere. Romae XVI. Novembris Anno MDXXIII.
[3.] Reverendissime et colendissime Domine. Haec propter occupationes manu aliena mihi scribendae fuerunt, ignoscat igitur, quaeso, Vestra Reverendissima Dominatio. De his autem curam geram, ne rursus novas habeat curas. Res uti Vestrae Dominationi videt [...] deducta est ad bonum portum. Illum Ioannem [...]rum commendo rursus Vestrae Dominationi Reverendissimae dignetur me face
re certiore m, quidnam sit ei sperandum. De quo et per hunc ip[...] [...]um. Nova alianon sunt . Pontificem nondum habemus. Neque scio, quando habiturisimus .9 Galli adhuc sunt sub Mediolano. Rex Galliae Lugdini. Caesar in regno Navarrae in Galliam veniens cum ingenti exercitu. Ego tot contentionum nullum spero finem.[4.] Dominum Emericum Kalnay in facto archidiaconatus Thilegdiensis Vestrae Dominationi Reverendissimae commendo.10 Ego quod feci magis feci, ut Vestra Dominatio Reverendissima liberaretur ab omni molestia, quam ob dominum Kalnay, qui tamen et ipse meretur certe omne bonum, tum ob mores probatissimos ac doctrinam non vulgarem, tum ob singularem fidem ac servitutem, qua est Vestrae Dominationi Reverendissimae addictissimus. Eum igitur totum in suam gratiam Vestra Dominatio Reverendissima recipere, obsecro, dignetur et me in eo, in quo alias habuit numero, semper habere. Dominatio Vestra Reverendissima bene ac prudenter fecit, quod miserit hunc ipsum servitorem suum. Nam si non venisset et praesertim si istae vacationes iudiciorum non obstitissent, tales procul dubio processus in hac causa facti fuissent, ut non actioni ulli, sed soli solutioni nobis locus fuisset relictus. Nihil aliud restabat, quam ut sententia ferretur, sicut latius poterit haec idem E
mericus referre.Eiusdem Vestrae Reverendissimae Dominationis perpetuus servitor et capellanus Stephanus Brodarych orator On the outer side: Reverendissimo Domino Meo, Domino Francisco de Varda, episcopo Transsylvano, Domino observandissimo.This means that the afterword, too, was written before 19 November. did not support appointment of Kálnai in spite of the recommendation of Brodarics and the Pope’s decree, so the young Humanist could receive the income coming from the archdeanship only two years later, when the bishop was János Gosztonyi. Compare: V. Kovács Sándor, Egy humanista a mohácsi vész korában (Kálnai Imre), Irodalomtörténeti Közlemények, 1970, 663. 10 Várdai 25 István Brodarics to Sigismund I Rome, 11 December 1523 Manuscript used: BN T. 5. fol. 40r. Published: Acta Tomiciana VI. 345–346. 1. He believes, he can report good news soon, since the new Pope Clement VII is ready to fulfil all of Sigismund’s wishes. – 2. There are no new pieces of news; the French are still in Italy; the Pope, partly due to Brodarics’ prompting, instructed three Cardinals to work on creating peace among Christian rulers, hopefully with good results. Serenissime Princeps et Domine, Domine mihi Gratiosissime. Post servitutis meae perpetuae in gratiam Vestrae Maiestatis humillimam commendationem. [1.] In negotiis Vestrae Maiestatis credo nos cum domino Stanislao nuntio1 eiusdem optatam relationem in omnibus habituros: Clemens VIIs pontifex2 enim propensissimus est in gratificando Vestrae Maiestatis rebus in omnibus. Qua tamen de re brevi et diffusius et apertius scribam.
[2.] Nova alia non sunt. Galli nondum ex Italia excesserunt. Pontifex cum sua sponte, tum mea etiam exhortatione et precibus permotus dat omnem operam pro pace vel saltem treugis inter principes Christianos faciendis. Ad hanc rem in proximo consistorio III ex reverendissimis dominis cardinalibus deputavit,3 qui hanc solam curam habeant. Quid sequatur, nescio. Ego, quod in me erit, nihil praetermittam. Utinam iam tandem aliquid consequi possemus.
Me et meam servitutem perpetuam rursus in gratiam Vestrae Maiestatis humillime commendo. Quam Deus felicissimam et incolumem conservet. Ex Urbe XI. Decembris 1523. Eiusdem Vestrae Maiestatis servitor et capellanus humillimus Stephanus Brodericus praepositus Quinqueecclesiensis, orator 1 His identity is uncertain. He may be Stanisław Sprowa or perhaps Royal Secretary Stanisław Tarło. Both executed diplomatic tasks several times. 2 Cardinal Giulio de Medici, cousin of Pope Leo X, was elected Pope after the death of Hadrian VI on 19 November 1523. 3 I have found no further data about the selection of the 3 Cardinals mentioned. Even though Clement VII sent an envoy to Charles V on 8 December 1523 in connection with peace, he was not a Cardinal but one of the Pope’ Chamberlains, Bernardino della Barba. The next peace envoy Cardinal Nikolaus von Schönberg set off for his round trip through Spain, France, and England only in March 1524. Compare: Ludwig von Pastor, Geschichte der Päpste IV/2... 179. 26 István Brodarics to Sigismund I Rome, 15 December 1523 Manuscript used: BN T. 5. fol. 41r–v. Published: Acta Tomiciana VI. 348. 1. Nothing has been achieved concerning the Płock annata. The annata for Płock have always been 2000 ducats, and if Alexander VI or any other Pope asked for less on one or two occasions, this does not change what is due officially. On the other hand there is good news: Tomicki has been appointed Bishop of Cracow. – 2. The Pope and the Cardinals are equally inclined towards peace. However, chances are small for this to happen because the French King and his opponents stubbornly cling to their demands. Sigismund and Louis have to find other ways of protecting their countries. Serenissime Princeps et Domine, Domine mihi Gratiosissime. Post servitutis meae perpetuae in gratiam Vestrae Maiestatis humillimam commendationem. [1.] Scripsi his diebus1 ad Vestram Maiestatem, neque nunc aliud scribere possum, quam quod tunc scripsi, praeter quam quod in annata Plocensi tantam video difficultatem, ut parum aut nihil spei apud me sit reliquum. Aiunt, et in hoc se fundant, ecclesiam illam ab initio semper in duobus milibus ducatorum fuisse expeditam, et ita in libro etiam annatarum (quem vocant) contineri: si Alexander papa2 vel alius pro bina vel trina expeditione propter aliquam causam minus accepit, id annatae priori duorum milium non debere praeiudicare. Ab hac sententia, credo, deduci vix poterunt. Feci ego de hoc et privatim et publice et apud pontificem et apud cardinales omnem diligentiam, haec tamen magis tangunt collegium quam pontificem. Non defuit et dominus Stanislaus,3 diligentissimus certe servitor Vestrae Maiestatis. Neque tamen adhuc desistemus, sed parum, ut dixi, spero. Ecclesia Cracoviensis pro reverendissimo domino meo, domino Posnaniensi4 in hesterno consistorio fuit expedita.
[2.] De pace inter principes Christianos facienda scripsi pontificem ad hanc rem adiecisse animum, delegisse ad hoc certos ex reverendissimis dominis cardinalibus, cum quibus ego fui iam saepe; video et pontificem et reverendissimos dominos ad id propensissimos. Sed et illud video, Princeps Sapientissime, parum in hoc spei esse ponendum. Quid ita? Quia Christianissimum regem ita durum atque obstinatum video in recuperando ac nostros in retinendo vel non cedendo ducatu Mediolani, ut facilius utraque pars quidvis subiret, quam in hoc alteri parti cederet. Quid igitur spei de pace in tanta animorum obfirmatione? Aliae igitur, Clementissime Princeps, salutis viae Vestris Maiestatibus quaerendae sunt. Sed parcat Vestra Maiestas, humillime supplico, minimo servorum suorum ad se de huiusmodi rebus scribenti.
Brodarics must refer to the previous letter dated 11 December. VI (1492–1503), the infamous Borgia Pope. 3 See in the previous letter. 4 A reference to the appointment of Bishop of Poznań Piotr Tomicki as Bishop of Cracow. His inauguration, however, took place only in 1524. Biographies count his bishopric from this date. 2 Alexander 1 De rebus nostris Hungaricis, quae a rebus Vestrae Maiestatis disiunctae esse non possunt, ac de subsidio istuc mittendo, si quod impetrari poterit, nihil adhuc actum.
Dominus Scardonensis5 his diebus in Urbem venit pericula utriusque regni et omnium regnorum Vestrarum Maiestatum coram pontifice et patribus cumulatissime exposuit, Maiestatem Vestram non cessat pro merito ubique laudare et extollere. Galli ex ducatu Mediolani nondum excesserunt.
Me et meam servitutem perpetuam rursus in gratiam Vestrae Maiestatis humillime commendo. Quam Deus felicissimam et victoriosissimam conservet. Ex Urbe XV. mensis Decembris 1523. Eiusdem Vestrae Maiestatis servitor et capellanus humillimus Stephanus Brodericus iuris doctor praepositus Quinqueecclesiensis, orator 27 Louis II to István Brodarics Pozsony, 12 January 1524 Manuscript used: HHStA, Ung. Akt. Fasc. 1. Konv. D, fol. 57.1 1. The Sultan spreads false rumours about his preparations for a war against Persia in order to lull Hungary and Europe to sleep, while spy reports and information from Voivods of Moldova and Wallachia suggest that he wants to attack Hungary in March in alliance with the Tatars. – 2. Knowing this, Ferdinand also sent an envoy to Rome to press for the aid. Brodarics should cooperate with the Austrian envoy fully. – 3. The Pope should order Legate Cajetan de Vio to pay the money he has for repairs of Hungarian border fortresses or the soldiers’ pay before more substantial aid arrives. – 4. Brodarics receives a copy of the letter by the Vice-Voivod of Transylvania as well as pieces of news from the Voivods. He can learn all about the Sultan’s plans from these. Ludovicus Dei gratia Rex Hungariae etc. Venerabilis Fidelis nobis Dilecte. [1.] Semper nobis fuerunt suspecta callidissimorum hostium nostrorum consilia, qui dum anno superiore universam Europam falsis complent rumoribus eorum imperatorem bellis orientalibus distineri, parare in Persas expeditionem, de nostris atque aliis
Thomas Crnić (Negri). Humanist of Dalmatian origin, Canon of Spalato from 1499, later Archdean, Secretary of Croatian Ban Péter Beriszló from 1514. Protonotary Apostolic from 1519, Bishop of Scardona from 1520. The Pope sent him to Poland in January 1523 as his envoy. (Compare: AT VI. 220–222, 222–224, 224–225., and Henricus Damianus Wojtyska CP, Acta nunciaturae Poloniae Tom. II., Romae, 1992, 137– 147., also by him, Toma Crnić jedini sloven nuncije u Polskoj, Radovi 21 Zavoda za hrvatsku povijest Filozofskog Fakulteta, Zagreb, 1988, 35–44.) 1 Photocopy in the MOL DF 276058. Christianorum regnis non amplius hoc tempore cogitare, quam ut relictis praesidiis necessariis ea tantum, quae ab illo sunt parta, in reditum suum defendi ac retineri possent, et haec tanto ingenio et artificio fingebantur, ut eos quoque fallerent, qui secretorum tyranni se non esse ignaros arbitrarentur, qua fraude et simulatione nihil aliud agebatur, quam ut nos securos et imparatos possunt opprimere. Habemus2 enim recens ex waywodis Moldavo3 et Transalpino,4 aliisque exploratoribus nuntium destinasse Turcas omni genere apparatuum instructissimos proximo mense Martio regnum hoc nostrum Tartaris etiam in societatem belli adiunctis invadere.
[2.] Quod ubi ex auctoribus certis serenissimus quoque frater noster, archidux Austriae5 cognovisset, misit et ipse ad Sanctissimum Dominum Nostrum6 oratorem,7
quod pro avertendis periculis aperte imminentibus opportunum Sedis Apostolicae praesidium imploraret. Tecum is ex mandato sui principis consilia communicabit, tecum una ad Sanctitatem Domini Nostri et ad reverendissimos dominos cardinales accedet. Vide, ne illi usquam desis, agitur commune utriusque nostrum negotium. Hostis instat, tempus breve est. Vos ita provinciam vestram administretis, ut, quod ab ista Sede Apostolica flagitamus, auxilium adsit in tempore.[3.] Nam in his quinquaginta milibus ducatorum, quod reverendissimus dominus legatus8 habet in potestate, adversus hostem potentissimum leve admodum et per exiguum habebimus praesidium. Mandet nihilominus Sanctitas Domini Nostri eidem domino legato, ut hanc pecuniam, quoad maius auxilium miserit, aut in arcium nostrarum instaurationem, sicuti antea petebamus, aut, si id secum fuerit, ad comparandas saltem copias iam tandem erogare non dubitet.9
9 ignaros correxi ex: ignoras 11 Moldavo correxi ex: Moldano 2 The part between Habemus...invadere published: Veress Endre (ed.), Akták és levelek Erdély- és Magyarország Moldvával és Havasalfölddel való viszonyához, Budapest, 1914, 128. 3 Stephen IV (1517–1527), Voivod of Moldova. 4 Probably refers to V. Radu (Radu de la Afumaţi), who fled to Hungary in April 1523, away from Turks who invaded Wallachia (see the letter by Louis II to Brodarics on 1 June 1523). He fought the throne back in January 1524 from his own brother Radu VI (Radu Baduca) who got the position from the Turks. 5 Austrian Archduke Ferdinand Habsburg (1522–1564), brother-in-law of Louis II, Hungarian and Czech King (1526–1564), Holy Roman Emperor (1558–1564). 6 Pope Clement VII. 7 Andreas da Burgo (dal Borgo) (1467–1533). Comes from a merchant family in Cremona. He was raised in the court of Ludovico Sforza in Milan and entered the service of Maximilian Habsburg in 1502. Fulfilled diplomatic tasks until his death. More on his life: Rosemarie Aulinger, Andrea da Borgo = Contemporaries of Erasmus: a Biographical Register of the Renaissance and Reformation, Toronto, 1985, 172–173; Rill, Fürst und Hof ...141–150. 8 Cardinal Tommaso Cajetan De Vio, Bishop of Gaeta, was sent to Hungary as a legate with Baron Burgio in 1523 by Hadrian VI. 9 Pope Hadrian promised aid of 100,000 gold pieces for the fight against the Turks. He really sent 50,000 by Cardinal Vio. [4.] Misimus ad te litterarum vice wayvodae10 ad fidelem nostrum spectabilem et magnificum Ioannem comitem Scepusiensem wayvodam nostrum Transsylvaniensem11 exempla, accipies insuper, quae ex legatione ad nos utriusque wayvodae sunt exceptae, ex quibus fusius omnia, quae ad conatum caesaris cognoscendum pertinent, intelliges.12
Datum Posonii, feria tertia intra octavas Epiphaniarum Domini. Anno eiusdem millesimo quingentesimo vigesimo quarto. Ad oratorem regis Hungariae in Urbe Romana 28 István Brodarics to Theodor Vafer1 Rome, 11 February 1524 Manuscript used: MOL, DL 47545 The inheritance of Hungarian confessor in Rome János Lászai, 147 ducats, should be deposited in the Altoviti bank according to the wishes of Philippus de Senis and Vincenzo Baldi. Domine Theoderice. Ego sum contentus, quod illa pecunia domini Ioannis penitenciarii2 Hungari, ducati videlicet centum quadraginta septem deponantur in Banco Altoviti3 iuxta voluntatem
Identification is not so simple because Lénárt Barlabási filled the position of Vice-Voivod in Transylvania from as early as 1501 until his death in 1525. However, Szapolyai had two Vice-Voivods after his appointment in 1510. In 1524, the other Vice-Voivod was István Tomori. Compare: Kubinyi András, A Szapolyaiak és familiárisaik (szervitoraik), Publicationes Universitatis Miskolciensis, Sectio Philosophica, Tom. XIII., Fasciculus 3., Miskolc, 2008, 244–246. 11 János Szapolyai, Count of Szepes, Transylvanian Voivod, Hungarian King after the death of Louis. 12 The enclosures mentioned by Louis are unknown. There is no further data on Theodor Vafer, Notary of the Apostolic Chamber. Hungarian confessor in Rome János Lászai died on 17 August 1523. Regarding his death see two letters by Brodarics to Transylvanian Bishop Ferenc Várdai. 13 The banking house operated by Bindo Altoviti of Florence was a leading bank in contemporary Rome. More on the banking house and Altoviti: Coriolano Belloni, Un banchiere del rinascimento, Roma, 1935. 12 11 domini Philippi de Senis4 et domini Vincencii Baldi5 decretorum doctoris, ad instantiam tamen omnium nostrorum. Romae, XI. Februarii 1524. Stephanus Brodericus orator Hungariae manu propria On the outer side: Theoderico Vafro notario domino Auditoris Camerae, reverendissimo domino et amico honorandissimo29 István Brodarics to Archduke Ferdinand1 Rome, 29 February 1524 Manuscript used: MOL, DF 276068 1. He informs Ferdinand that the Count of Cordoba will give a detailed report of the news; even though the tenths will be collected, there is still little hope [for saving Hungary] if there will be no peace among Christian rulers. – 2. News came from Spalato, Croatia, to Venice that the Sanjak-Bey of Bosnia sent major infantry force to besiege Klissa and he will soon follow with a major force of cavalry. According to news from Constantinople, the Turks are busy with preparations both on land and water. Pope Clement is trying to bring food and ammunition to the besieged Klissa, but it is feared that it will arrive late. Serenissime Princeps et Domine, Domine mihi Gratiosissime. Post servitutis meae perpetuae in gratiam Vestrae Serenitatis humillimam commendationem. [1.] Ad humanissimas litteras2 Vestrae Serenitatis, quas modo accepi, non habeo quid aliud respondeam, nisi me esse et fore perpetuo, dum vivam, addictissimum
4 Philippus de Senis (Philip of Siena), a cleric in the papal chamber, Canon of Esztergom. Pope Leo X made Philippus de Senis director of chapel consecrated to the Virgin Mary Taken to the Sky in 1513. The chapel belonged to the Esztergom chapter and de Senis entered a long legal battle against the chapter. Compare: Solymosi László (ed.), Az esztergomi székeskáptalan jegyzőkönyve (1500–1502, 1507–1527), Budapest, 2002., 22. Regarding the trial, see the following documents: ASV, Archivum Arcis (AA) Arm. XI, caps I. Nr 156., 2527., and ASV, Archivum Arcis XI, caps I. Nr 168. 2533., and Theiner Augustin, Vetera monumenta Slavorum meridionalium historiam illustrantia, Romae, 1863, 601–602. 5 Vincenzo Baldi de Pistoria. Arrived in Hungary as a member of the retinue of papal legate Cardinal Pietro Isvalies. He soon became Canon of Veszprém, altar director of the St. John altar, at the same time Vicar of Isvalies who became Bishop of Veszprém in 1508. Compare: Lakatos Bálint, Kálnai Imre királyi titkári és főesperesi kinevezése (1523–1525). Adalékok a pápaság magyar személyi politikájához Mohács előtt, Századok, 2010, 423. 1 The text of the letter is on the Internet, in a somewhat different variant, transcribed by Péter Tóth. http://ephemeris.alcuinus.net/exempla.php 2 We do not know Ferdinand’s letter. servulum Vestrae Serenitatis. Illustris dominus meus, dominus comes de Corduba3 omnia alia ex ordine referre poterit. Exiguntur quidem istae decimae, sicut Vestra Serenitas ab ipso intelliget, sed in his quoque parva est spes ponenda, si Deus pacem aut indutias inter principes non posuerit, tota salutis communis ratio in hac una re posita esse videtur. [2.] Ex Croatia habemus ex litteris comitis Spalatiensis ad illustrissimum dominum Venetorum4 V. Februarii datis Bassam sive Zanzacum Boznae iam p
r aemisisse non parum peditum numerum ad obsidendum Clyzium5 subsecuturum ipsum quoque brevi cum valido equitatu. Habuerunt Veneti et ex Constantinopoli litteras VIII. Ianuarii datas Turcum facere ingentes apparatus et terra et mari, aggressurum omnino Hungariam primo quoque tempore. Sanctissimus Dominus Noster6 mittit ad succursum Clyzii commeatum, si intromitti poterit, et alia ad defensionem necessaria. Sed vereor, ne tarde veniant.7 Cetera idem dominus comes. Me et meam servitutem rursus in gratiam Vestrae Serenitatis humillime commendo. Quam Deus felicissimam et incolumem conservet.Ex Urbe XXIX. Februarii 1524. Eiusdem Vestrae Serenitatis servitor et capellanus humillimus Stephanus Brodericus praepositus Quinqueecclesiensis orator 3 Pedro de Cordova visited Rome already in 1522–23 as an envoy of Ferdinand. Compare: Adolf Wrede (hsgg.), Deutsche Reichstagakten unter Kaiser Karl V. 3. Bd., Gotha, 1901, 862. 4 Andrea Gritti, Doge of Venice (1523–1538). 5 Klissa (today: Klis, Croatia), important border fortress in Dalmatia. The fortress was besieged from 5 February by troops of the Bosnian Bey. Compare: Marko Perojević, Petar Kružić kapetan i knez grada Klisa. Zagreb, 1931, 67. 6 Pope Clement VII. 7 The army of Constable of Zengg Péter Krusics, carried there on the sea, smashed the Turkish army and liberated the castle on 10 April. Marko Perojević, Petar Kružić kapetan i knez grada Klisa. Zagreb, 1931, 67–70. 30 Louis II to István Brodarics Buda, 8 March 1524 Manuscript used: [Original is lost]1 Published: Georgius Pray, Epistolae procerum regni Hungariae I., Posonii,1806, 177–182. 1. The fall of Ostrovica raised concerns in Rome. It is serious loss indeed, but more will follow, because the country’s resources are not sufficient to contain the ever strengthening Turks. – 2. 32,000 forints per year are spent on the borderland in Croatia only, even in peace time, and upholding Temesvár, Pétervárad, Szörény, and Titel, not to mention Jajca, costs enormous sums. So loosing Ostrovica is not due to negligence but to poverty. – 3. He is happy to hear that the Pope launched an investigation into the abuses around grain sent to Croatia, something that King Louis also called for. – 4. More favourable news about the situation in Hungary would probably boost the Pope’s good will, but this is possible only if His Holiness and Christian rulers help the country with deeds instead of lip service. – 5. He is pleased to hear that Legate Campeggio has arrive. He will hopefully be successful in combating Lutheran heresy and in stimulating German reigning princes to fight the Turks. He instructed his envoys to negotiate with Campeggio as well as Ferdinand. – 6. He is sorry to hear that the Emperor and the French King are still at war with each other. Archduke Ferdinand is trying to mediate through Andreas da Burgo; Louis supports him in this. – 7. Louis has been informed about the peace agreement between Turkey and Persia and about the Sultan’s plans for attack. Brodarics should therefore do all he can for the papal aid together with Marsupino and da Burgo. – 8. Even though the Sultan and the Shah signed peace, if the Pope agrees, it might still be useful to send Hannibal of Cyprus on a mission to Shah Sophi. – 9. He thanks the Pope for the money, weapons, and food sent to the Klissa castle with the help of Bishop of Scardona. – 10. Brodarics is forbidden to return home because of his tight financial situation since the Fuggers have been instructed to provide him with the needed money. Reverende Fidelis nobis Dilecte. [1.] Scribis gratulationem nostram Sanctissimo Domino Nostro fuisse iucundam, quae accidisset multo iucundior, nisi eodem tempore pervenisset O
s throwyczae a Turcis captae fama in Urbem,2 quae tam ipsius Sanctissimi Domini Nostri, quam patrum animos magnopere commoverit, cum intellexerit eam arcem omni iudicio secundas partes a Clissio3 obtinuisse. Iactura est, fatemur, gravis ac ceteris calamitatibus nostris merito adnumeranda, quam tamen veremur, ne longe maiores, sicuti3 O[s]throwyczae correxi ex: Othrowyczo 4 capite del. BAV. Ottob., in marg. captae alia manu 5 cum: quam BAV Ottob. 1 The only known manuscript of the text survives in a codex in the Ottoboniana collection of the Vatican Library (BAV, Ottob. Lat. N. 2746. 44–46.), so it is, too, a replica, and is certainly not identical with the one György Pray, who was first to publish the letter, used. The manuscript in the Vatican is severely damaged, and the defects often make it senseless, so the basis for the present publication is the text published by Pray. In spite of this, I indicate all the differences from the manuscript in the Ottoboniana collection. 2 The castle of Ostrovica (Croatia) was overtaken by the Turks in September 1523. 3 The Turkish army kept Klissa, the important fortress in Dalmatia under siege from early February 1524. Finally they did not succeed in capturing it, because the rescue army of Constable of Zengg Péter Krusics defeated them in April. Venetum oratorem Sanctitati eius narras praedixisse, propediem subsequantur. Id tamen nulla profecto nostra vel incuria vel negligentia accedere poterit, sed quoniam haec exigua unius Hungariae vectigalia tuendis amplissimis finibus sufficere nullatenus poterunt. Non parvi reditus ex Bosnia proveniebant, magnum ex Croatia et Dalmatia tributum quotannis in fiscum regium paulo ante hanc aetatem vel ipsius Matthiae regis temporibus deferebatur. Integrae erant, et fructuosae Themesiensis, Sirmiensis, Posega, Walko, et inferiores civitatum partes, hostium vero opes, numerus, potentia dimidio, quam sint hodie, minores erant. At nunc ea, quae commemoravimus, loca assiduis Turcarum incursionibus pene in solitudinem sunt redacta, adeo, ut tenues reliquias et paucas, quae adhuc in illis regnis supersunt, arces, maxima parte redituum nostrorum tueri nequeamus. [2.] Nam, ne quid amplius de illis regnorum nostrorum finibus dicamus, ad Croatiam pacatis etiam temporibus in banorum stipendium et tenenda locis necessariis praesidia triginta duo milia florenorum singulis annis facile absumuntur. Jaycza, quae in mediis hostibus sita est, et quo non, nisi iusto et firmo exercitu importari commeatus solent, non multo minorem exhaurit pecuniam. Arx item Themesiensis et Severinum et hoc triennio Varadinum Petri ac Titulium4 maximo et incredibili sumptu retinentur. Quae omnia, si quis rerum nostrarum non iniquus aestimator diligentius velit considerare, agnoscet, non minima quidem nostra negligentia Ozthrowyczam, et alias arces antea fuisse amissas, sed inopiam et vectigalium nostrorum tenuitatem (de qua tam diu apud Sedem Apostolicam querimur) et superioribus et impendentibus etiam malis causam attulisse.
[3.] Gratum est nobis mandasse Sanctissimum Dominum Nostrum legato suo, qui apud Venetos agit, ut de frumento in Croatiam misso, in quos abierit usus,5 percontetur. Nam nos quoque homini nostro fido ac diligenti dedimus provinciam loca illa perlustrandi ac ad nos fideliter referendi, quomodo sit illud frumentum distributum. Dabimusque operam, ne in hac quoque parte aliquid nostrae negligentiae possit imputari.
[4.] Quod autem iudicas propensam erga nos voluntatem Sanctissimi Domini Nostri multo propensiorem futuram, si quae meliora hinc de statu regnorum nostrorum
19 nulla profecto: profecto nulla BAV Ottob. 19 incuria: iniuria BAV Ottob. 10 nullatenus: nullo modo BAV Ottob. 11 reditus: reddita BAV Ottob. 11 Bosnia: Bozna BAV Ottob. 11 proveniebat: praeveniebat BAV Ottob. 12 regnum: regium BAV Ottob. in marg. alia manu: regium 13 deferebatur correxi ex: deferebantur. BAV Ottob.: deferebatur 14 civitatum: civitates BAV Ottob. 4 After 16 solitudinem: solitudines BAV Ottob. 19 amplius: impius BAV Ottob. 22 post et ms. BAV Ottob. ex add. 22 importari om. BAV Ottob. 22 commeatus: conatus BAV Ottob. 25 velit: volet BAV Ottob. 30 est nobis: nobis est BAV Ottob. 31 percontetur: percontatur BAV Ottob. 36 post hinc ms. BAV Ottob. ad eum add. 36 regnorum nostrorum: rerum nostrarum BAV Ottob. the loss of Nándorfehérvár in 1521, Temesvár, Szörény, Pétervárad and Titel became the key elements in the system of border fortresses on the South. 5 Finally Burgio returned to Hungary and took measures regarding embezzlement of the corn shipments. He ordered an inquiry in Zengg in April 1524. Compare: Magyarországi pápai követek jelentései 1524–1526. Budapest, 2001, XCVIII. afferentur, utinam nullum nisi felicem ac faustum ex his regnis nostris nuntium deinceps Sua Sanctitas accipiat. Nos tamen rerum nostrarum conscii vehementer timemus, ne tristiorem et minus iucundum in dies sit acceptura, nisi re ipsa, et non verborum tantum liberalitate, cum eius Sanctitas, tum principes Christiani opem nobis ferre maturaverint. [5.] Reverendissimum dominum cardinalem Campegium6 in Germania legatum tanta virtute atque auctoritate praeditum venire, qui de rebus quoque nostris agendi mandatum habeat, gaudemus non mediocriter, optamusque eiusdem adventum utilem rei publicae Christianae ac salutarem fore, ut pariter illam tabem et morbum pestilentissimum Lutheranae haeresis, qua laborat Germania, tollere ac sanare, et illos principes ad arma in Turcos sumenda acrius et vehementius posset inflammare. Dedimus, ut mones, nostris oratoribus7 mandatum, cum ipso domino legato et archiduce Ferdinando ceterisque principibus nostro nomine de rebus necessariis consultandi atque etiam decernendi.
[6.] Vix aliquid molestius hoc tempore audire possemus, quam pertinax et acerrimum adhuc bellum inter caesaream maiestatem et Christianissimum Gallorum regem durare et ad Mediolanum geri. Missus est per serenissimum fratrem nostrum archiducem dominus Andreas Burgo,8 vir prudens et ingeniosus multarumque rerum peritissimus, ut caesari suadeat concordiam, per quem nos quoque agemus diligentissime, si quo modo ad pacem amplectendam posset adduci.
[7.] Quod baro Siculus9 ad nos revertitur, libenter audimus, delectant enim nos eius viri humanitas, virtus et eruditio non vulgaris. De Turcorum conatibus deque pactis cum Sophi indutiis nos eadem intelleximus, quae tu ex Constantinopoli et Dalmatia in Urbem allata scribis esse,10 id quod ex binis litteris nostris Posonii datis iam pridem
te agnovisse arbitramur. Vide igitur, quid tu cum tuo collega11 et oratore principis Ferdinandi possitis impetrare subsidii, pro quo studiose et enixe contendatis.[8.] Quamvis autem opinione omnium inter Turcos et Sophi confectae existimentur indutiae, si tamen Sanctissimo Domino Nostro videatur, nobis profecto non displicet,
39 iucundum: iucundam BAV Ottob. 40 tum: cum BAV Ottob. 44 eiusdem: eius BAV Ottob. 47 Turcos: Turcas BAV Ottob. 47 inflammare: inflammari BAV Ottob. 51 acerrimum: acerrime BAV Ottob. 52 Christianissimum: Christianorum BAV Ottob. 56 amplectendam: amplectere BAV Ottob. 57 revertitur: convertitur BAV Ottob. 63 Turcos: Turcas BAV Ottob. 63 existimentur: existimantur BAV Ottob. 64 displicet: displicat BAV Ottob. 16 Clement VII sent Cardinal Lorenzo Campeggio (1474–1539) to the Nuremberg imperial assembly as his legate. His mandate included Hungarian matters. 17 Leaders of the Hungarian delegation to the imperial assembly in Nuremberg were János Gosztonyi and Ambrus Sárkány. 18 Andreas da Burgo 19 Pope Clement VII. appointed Baron Burgio Nuncio in Hungary on 22 January 1524. The Baron returned to Hungary from Rome. Compare: Magyarországi pápai követek jelentései 1524–1526. Budapest, 2001, XCV. 10 See the previous letter to Ferdinand. 11 Francesco Marsupino ut Hannibal Cyprius12 legationem suam exsequatur. Proderit enim fortasse nunc vel inposterum, si ille princeps de nostra voluntate fuerit factus certior. Poterit insuper omnia ad nos ex illis partibus explorata reportare, quod magno usui nobis ac toti Christianitati est futurum. [9.] Agas Sanctissimo Domino Nostro gratias, quod dominum Scardonensem13 cum pecuniis, pulvere et commeatu ad succurrendum arci Clissiensi miserit,14 supplicabisque eius Sanctitati, ne gravetur deinceps quoque illi praesertim loco providere, nam quod nos potuimus praestare, praestitimus et praestabimus omnia vel supra vires et facultates nostras.
[10.] Significas te propediem venturum ac coram tuas expositurum necessitates, quod hoc tempore citra magnum rerum nostrarum incommodum fieri non poterit. Nolumus itaque, ut ex Urbe antequam ab illa legatione absolutus et per nos revocatus fueris, revertaris. Nam quod ad tuos, et tui collegae sumptus attinet, thesaurario nostro mandavimus, ut mora omni posthabita per Fuccaros, quemadmodum Posonii nuper constitueramus, provideat.
Ludovicum Horreram,15 uti reverendissimum dominum cardinalem Sanctorum Quattuor Coronatorum16 optare significas, nos libenter et aequo animo dimisimus. Litteras vero in commendationem penitentiarii et alias, quas optasti, una cum praesentibus accipies.17
Datum Budae 8. die Martii 1524. 69 quod: qui BAV Ottob. 70 post arci ms. BAV Ottob. nostrae add. 72 quod: quae BAV Ottob. 80 Ludovicum ...accipies in editione Gerorgii Pray om. 12 Hannibal of Cyprus. Ambassador of King Louis II in the Turkish court in 1523, commander of the papal mercenaries in the Battle of Mohács, captain of the Italian guards of Szapolyai in the early 1530s. See Bethlen Farkas, Erdély története I., Budapest, 2000, 23. 13 Thomas Crnić (Negri), Bishop of Scardona. Concerning him, see the relevant note for the letter dated 15 December 1523. 14 Concerning Klissa, see the previous letter. 15 Ludovicus Horrera (?). No data has been found about him. Perhaps the form of the name is incorrect. 16 Lorenzo Pucci. 17 The enclosures mentioned did not survive. 31 István Brodarics to Archduke Ferdinand1 Rome, 3 May 1524 Manuscript used: MOL, DF 276077 He has learnt about the death of Archbishop of Esztergom György Szatmári; since benefices get rearranged in such cases, he asks Ferdinand to intercede on his behalf for remembering the absent envoy in Buda so that the latter’s services are rewarded with a smaller benefice at least; he asks for this only to be able to represent the Hungarian King in Rome better. Serenissime Princeps et Domine, Domine mihi Clementissime. Post servitutis meae perpetuae in gratiam Vestrae Serenitatis humillimam commendationem. Licet satis absurdum esse videatur ab eo Principe, cui quis nihil serviverit, quippiam postulare. Summa tamen Vestrae Serenitatis clementia et singularis in omnes liberalitas ac munificentia spem mihi dat Vestram Serenitatem preces etiam nihil a se merentis servitoris non aspernaturam.
Intellexi reverendissimum dominum meum archiepiscopum Strigoniensem his diebus vita functum esse.2 Non dubito (ut in tali casu plerumque fieri consuevit) nonnullas beneficiorum ecclesiasticorum mutationes in Hungaria fore. Ego cum a serenissimo et clementissimo domino meo, fratre3 Vestrae Serenitatis longe nunc absim,4 et absentes, quocunque obsequii genere fungantur, vulgato proverbio pro mortuis haberi soleant, mihi ad Vestrae Serenitatis praesidium duxi refugiendum. Cui supplico humillime, dignetur tam ad maiestatem regiam ac reginalem, dominos meos clementissimos, quam etiam ad magnificum dominum oratorem suum et5 reverendissimum dominum
9 in marg. alia manu fiat, ut petitur. Scibatur viendum [?] ei 1 The letter, apart from some minor changes, is identical to the one sent to Polish King Sigismund the same day (except that the letter to Ferdinand does not have a postscript.) Not only the texts are identical but the ductus as well, so Brodarics’ scriptor wrote the same letter twice and sent both, one to Vienna, the other to Cracow. The only change he made is in the salutation: to the letters in Cracow it is Maiestas, since Sigismund was a King, while in the Vienna version it is Serenitas, because Ferdinand was only an Archduke in 1524. 2 Archbishop of Esztergom György Szatmári died on 7 April 1524. 3 In the letter to Cracow the word here is nepote because Sigismund was the uncle of King Louis II while Ferdinand was his brother-in-law. 4 Brodarics had stayed in Rome since the spring of 1522 as an envoy of Louis II. 5 Johann Schnaidpeck von Schönkirchen, an envoy of the Emperor, stayed in the Buda castle since the autumn of 1523. He had huge influence and was the permanent target of attacks from the opposition of lesser nobility. The part magnificum dominum oratorem suum et is missing from the Cracow letter, obviously because, unlike Ferdinand, Sigismund did not have an envoy in Buda. Compare: Kubinyi András, A magyar állam belpolitikai helyzete Mohács előtt = Rúzsás Lajos – Szakály Ferenc (eds., Mohács. Tanul mányok a mohácsi csata 450. évfordulója alkalmából. Budapest, 1986, 87–91. cancellarium6 Hungariae in mei commendationem suas litteras dare et efficere, ut mei quamvis absentis, diligenter tamen eorum maiestatibus servientis ratio habeatur saltem in minoribus beneficiis.7 Nam maiora, sicuti non mereor, ita neque petere ausim. Neque sum, Clementissime Princeps, natura adeo ambitiosus, ut patrocinio Vestrae Serenitatis, quam scio omnia etiam summa apud dominum meum clementissimum posse, aliud consequi optem, quam unde possim commodius et honorificentius vestris maiestatibus servire. Scit enim maiestas vestra inopiam ac sordes cum magnorum principum legatione non bene convenire. Itaque rursus supplico Vestrae Serenitati, dignetur in hoc preces meas exaudire. Quicquid in me benignitate Serenitatis Vestrae collatum fuerit, dabo operam, ut id in diligentissimum et gratissimum servitorem Vestra Serenitas contulisse videatur. Me et meam servitutem perpetuam rursus in gratiam Vestrae Serenitatis humillime commendo. Quam Deus felicissimam et incolumem conservet. Ex Urbe III. Mai 1524. Eiusdem Vestrae Serenitatis humillimus servulus Stephanus Brodericus serenissimi regis Hungariae orator 32 István Brodarics to Sigismund I Rome, 3 May 1524 Manuscript used: BN T. 5. fol. 100r–v.1 1. He has learnt about the death of Archbishop of Esztergom György Szatmári; since benefices get rearranged in such cases, he asks Ferdinand’ to intercede on his behalf for remembering the absent envoy in Buda so that the latter’s services are rewarded with a smaller benefice at least; he asks for this only to be able to represent the Hungarian King in Rome better. – 2. There is no news. The Emperor’s army is still besieging the French at Novara. – 3. He is sending a copy of the letter by Persian Shah Sophi addressed to the Emperor and Louis II to Sigismund. Serenissime Princeps et Domine, Domine mihi Clementissime. Post servitutis meae perpetuae in gratiam Vestrae Maiestatis humillimam commendationem. [1.] Licet satis absurdum esse videatur ab eo principe, cui quis nihil serviverit, quippiam postulare, summa tamen Vestrae Maiestatis clementia et singularis in omnes
6 László Szalkai (1475–1526), Bishop of Eger, Chancellor. He got archbishopric of Esztergom and the attached position of High Chancellor after Szatmári’s death. 7 It seems that Ferdinand fulfilled Brodarics’ request. On the margin of the letter it is written: fiat, ut petitur. 1 Another manuscript: BK 213 fol. 53–54; BJ 6549 III fol. 129–130; Libri Legationum vol. XXIII, fol. 45–46; BCzart TN 36. fol. 569–570. liberalitas ac munificentia spem mihi dat Vestram Maiestatem preces etiam nihil a se merentis servitoris non aspernaturam.Intellexi reverendissimum dominum meum archiepiscopum Strigoniensem his diebus vita functum esse.2 Non dubito, ut in tali casu plerumque fieri consuevit, nonnullas beneficiorum ecclesiasticorum mutationes in Hungaria fore. Ego cum a serenissimo et clementissimo domino meo, nepote3 Vestrae Maiestatis longe nunc absim4 et absentes quocunque obsequii genere fungantur, vulgato proverbio pro mortuis haberi soleant, mihi ad Vestrae Maiestatis praesidium duxi refugiendum, cui supplico humillime, dignetur tam ad maiestatem regiam ac reginalem, dominos meos clementissimos, quam etiam ad reverendissimum dominum cancellarium5 Hungariae in mei commendationem suas litteras dare et efficere, ut mei quamvis absentis diligenter tamen eorum maiestatibus servientis ratio habeatur saltem in minoribus beneficiis. Nam maiora, sicuti non mereor, ita neque petere ausim. Neque sum, Clementissime Princeps, natura adeo ambitiosus, ut patrocinio Vestrae Maiestatis, quam scio omnia etiam summa apud dominum meum clementissimum posse, aliud consequi optem, quam unde possim commodius et honorificentius Vestris Maiestatibus servire. Scit enim Maiestas Vestra inopiam ac sordes cum magnorum principum legatione non bene convenire. Itaque rursus supplico Vestrae Maiestati, dignetur in hoc preces meas exaudire. Quicquid in me benignitate Maiestatis Vestrae fuerit collatum, dabo operam, ut id in diligentissimum et gratissimum servitorem Vestra Maiestas contulisse videatur.
Me et meam servitutem perpetuam rursus in gratiam Vestrae Maiestatis humillime commendo. Quam Deus felicissimam et incolumem conservet. Ex Urbe 3. Maii 1524. Eiusdem Vestrae Sacratissimae Maiestatis servitor et capellanus humillimus Stephanus Brodericus serenissimi regis Hungariae orator
[2.] Nova non sunt alia. Gallos affirmant Novariae6 a Caesarianis obsideri, et ad exeundum ex Italia vehementer urgeri.
[3.] Novum Soltanum dicunt se contra Turcas diligenter munire. Credo Maiestatem
2 Archbishop of Esztergom György Szatmári died on 7 April 1524. 3 Louis II was a younger cousin of King Sigismund. 4 Brodarics had stayed in Rome since the spring of 1522 as an envoy of Louis II. 5 László Szalkai, Bishop of Eger, Chancellor. He got archbishopric of Esztergom and the attached position of High Chancellor after Szatmári’s death. 6 Novara, town in Northern Italy west of Milan. The French army, having given up on the siege of Milan, retreated this way towards France chased by the Spanish led by Marquis Pescara. Vestram intellexisse de litteris Sophii,7 ad caesarem et serenissimum dominum8 meum, in quibus hortatur eos, ut principes Christianos in Turcam concitent, quarum exemplum ad Vestram Maiestatem mittam. 33 István Brodarics to Sigismund I Rome, 7 May 1524 Manuscript used: BN T. 5. fol. 85r.1 Published: Acta Tomiciana VII. 20. 1. News came from Constantinople that the Pasha of Cairo had been executed for revolting against the Sultan; the Pope, who is concerned that the Turks turn all their forces against Hungary, also confirmed this.; the Pope therefore does all he can and calls for peace among European rulers and also for sending aid to Hungary. – 2. The French suffered substantial defeat in Lombardy; nearly 1000 died, several officers were lost or injured. – 3. He asks Sigismund again to intervene for him with King Louis so that he can obtain some substantial benefice. Serenissime Princeps et Domine, Domine mihi Clementissime. Post servitutis meae perpetuae in gratiam Vestrae Maiestatis humillimam commendationem. [1.] Supervenerunt repente nova satis adversa: Bassam illum praefectum Cayri, qui a Turca defecerat, a suis esse obtruncatum.2 Quae nova venerunt ex Constantinopoli et habentur pro certissimis. Fui hodie, quae est V. Maii, pro hoc cum Sanctissimo Domi
35 Principem Ferdinandum del. suprascr. dominum meum Persian Shah Ismail Sophi I (1500–1524) was certainly in contact with Louis II in 1523. His envoy, a Maronite monk by the name of Peter of Lebanon, brought a letter to Louis from the Shah in 1523, in which there is allusion to the Shah’s previous letters to the Hungarian King. The monk who represented the Shah later spoke at the imperial assembly in Nuremberg in 1524, and tried to talk the Christian rulers into cooperation against the Turks. Because of the conflicts between the European powers nothing would be realised from the Persian alliance that engaged the political public. By the time Charles V made up his mind in August 1525 and responded to the offer of Shah Sophi, the latter was dead. More on the issue: Tardy Lajos, Perzsia és a Nyugat Mohács előtt, Budapest, 1977, 728–735; idem., Régi magyar követjárások Keleten, Budapest, 1983, 81–93. 8 Louis II. 1 7 Further manuscripts: BK 213 fol. 52–53; BOss 177 fol. 40 r–v; Libri Legationum vol. XXIII, fol. 38–39. 2 Suleyman pensioned off his chief officer Píri Mehmed in 1523 and gave the position to his friend of his youth Ibrahim. He also transferred Pasha Ahmed one-time second officer to Egypt. Ahmed, feeling put aside, revolted against Suleyman as soon as he arrived in Cairo and declared himself Sultan. However, the riot was suppressed and Ahmed was beheaded. Compare: Káldy-Nagy Gyula, Szulejmán, Budapest, 1974, 58–59., and Matuz József, Az Oszmán Birodalom története, Budapest, 1990, 95. no Nostro, qui nova haec pro certissimis affirmat et veretur, ne totas suas vires contra Hungariam Turca convertat. Adhibet Sua Sanctitas cum sua sponte, tum meo etiam hortatu ea remedia, quae potest: sollicitat pacem inter principes. Misit super his novis recentibus litteras ad omnes principes exhortans eos, ut velint in commune consulere et regno Hungariae vel ei parti Christianitatis, si qua laborare coeperit, opem ferre. Credo eum de hoc et ad Vestram Maiestatem scripturum. [2.] Ex Lombardia habemus nova, quae et pontifex et omnes alii pro certissimis affirmant: Gallos ex Italia iam discedere et in discessu huiusmodi per nostros unam partem eorum male mulcatam;3 interfectos esse usque ad mille Gallos, interfectum quendam capitaneum, unum ex principalioribus,4 vulneratum etiam supremum capitaneum,5 quem Almiralium vocant. Est aliqua spes pacis, fortasse enim iam Gallus facilius flectetur. Sed credo ego, quod semper credidi, maiestatem domini mei serenissimi et gratiosissimi multum in hoc posse, modo Sua Maiestas ad eum mitteret, quod nunc potissimum rebus eius ad hunc statum deductis quamprimum faciendum videretur.
[3.] Supplicavi in aliis meis6 Vestrae Maiestati, ut in favorem mei serenissimo et gratiosissimo domino meo scribere dignaretur, ne in servitiis suae maiestatis existens inter mortuos in istis sacerdotiorum mutationibus computarer. Idem nunc supplico humillime. Scio unicam Vestrae Maiestatis voluntatis significationem incredibiliter rebus meis profuturam. Ego pro huiuscemodi Vestrae Maiestatis in me gratia non habeo, quid aliud Vestrae Maiestati offeram, nisi perpetuam meam et in dominum meum clementissimum et in Vestram Maiestatem Sacratissimam fidelitatem et servitutem. Quam Deus felicissimam et incolumem conservet.
Rome VII. Maii. 1524. Eiusdem Vestrae Sacratissimae Maiestatis servitor et capellanus humillimus Stephanus Brodericus praepositus Quinqueecclesiensis orator 3 Marquis Pescara set a trap for the retreating French troops in the Aosta valley on 30 April 1524. Only brave resistance of the French rearguard saved the whole French army from annihilation. Compare: Rázsó, A lovagkor csatái... 278. 4 Presumably, Brodarics alludes to the famous French nobleman Pierre de Terrail, commonly known as Bayard, the “fearless and blameless” knight who lead the rear-guard. Bayard, who was a renowned figure of the wars in Italy, received a fatal wound at Aosta. More on Bayard’s life: Rázsó, A lovagkor csatái... passim 5 The Chief Commander of the French Army was Count of Bonnivet Guillaume de Goffier who was indeed seriously wounded in the battle, so the rest of the army crossed the Alps under the leadership of a much more experienced commander, Count St. Pol. 6 See the letter by Brodarics on 3 May 1524. 34 István Brodarics to Clement VII Vienna, 21 August 1524 Manuscript used: ASV, Principi, vol. 2. fol. 233r–v, 237v. Published: Theiner Augustin, Vetera monumenta historica Hungariam sacram illustrantia II., Romae, 1860, 639. 1. King Louis sent him to Vienna to meet papal legate Campeggio and inform the latter about matters in Hungary and Bohemia. – 2. He assures the Pope that he and Chancellor Szalkai are both loyal to him. – 3. The Hungarians like Baron Burgio as if he was not from Sicily but Transylvania. – 4. Archduke Ferdinand is ready to protect Christianity at the cost of his life. Beatissime Pater ac Domine, Domine mihi semper Clementissime. Post oscula pedum Sanctitatis Vestrae beatorum et meae perpetuae servitutis in gratiam eiusdem humillimam commendationem. [1.] Miserat me his diebus1 serenissimus dominus meus, rex Hungariae huc ad reverendissimum dominum cardinalem Campeium2 Vestrae Sanctitatis legatum, tum officii ac visitationis gratia, tum ut eum de rebus omnibus, quae tam in Hungaria quam in Bohemia agerentur, faceret certiorem. Cum igitur nihil penitus sit, quod cum eius reverendissima dominatione non liberrime ac sinceriter communicaverim, Vestra Sanctitas omnia, quae a me scribi deberent, ex litteris eiusdem intelliget. De quo ipso id vere scribere possum, Pater Beatissime ac Domine Clementissime, eum cum tanta omnium istorum principum ac nationum satisfactione ac tanto amore versari, ut nihil addi possit. De quo et hodie serenissimus princeps multa mecum est locutus, ut revera credam et aperte videam eius hic praesentiam his regnis esse admodum salutarem. Undique enim, Beatissime Pater, mirum in modum obruimur, et nisi praesentia reve rendissimi domini legati, et istorum trium principum3 summa in Sedis Apostolicae ac religionis Christianae auctoritate tuenda constantia adesset, longe in maiora mala decidissemus.
1 Brodarics returned from Rome in July 1524. (Compare: Theiner Augustin, Vetera monumenta hi torica Hungariam sacram illustrantia II., Romae, 1860, 638.) Louis II. informed Ferdinand Habsburg on s 14 August 1524 that he had sent Brodarics to Vienna to run some errands. (“Misimus ad Serenitatem Vestram fidelem nostrum, reverendum Stephanum doctorem praepositum Quinqueecclesiensem, secretarium nostrum Serenitati Vestrae nomine nostro nonnulla dicturum. Quam rogamus, velit praefato secretario nostro in dicendis de nobis plenam fidem adhibere.) One day later, on 15 August, Queen Mary also wrote to her brother about Brodarics’ mission in Vienna (Rex dominus et maritus noster carissimus misit ad Serenitatem Vestram hunc fidelem suum et nostrum, venerabilem Stephanum Brodaricum [...] cui nos quoque commisimus nonnulla Vestrae Serenitati nostro nomine referenda.”) See MTAKK, Ms 4939, Simancas, bundle 1, and Kujáni Gábor, Brodarics István levelezése 1508–1538, Történelmi Tár, 1908, 345–346. 2 Papal Legate Cardinal Campeggio stayed in Hungary and then in Vienna from 18 July 1524. 3 Brodarics probably alludes to three rulers most affected by the Turks: King of Hungary and Bohemia Louis II, Polish King Sigismund I, and Austrian Archduke Ferdinand. [2.] Reverendissimum etiam dominum cancellarium4 Hungariae (sine omni assentatione loquor) habet Vestra Sanctitas, ultra quam dici ac credi potest, in his rebus sedulum ac diligentem. Me minimum Vestrae Sanctitatis servulum tanto habet Vestra Sanctitas minus utilem, minorisque momenti, quanto me minorem istic mea Romana absentia esse voluit. Sum tamen is, qui cum vidua illa et ipse in gazophylacium minuta quanquam aera proicio,5 et cum omni mentis sinceritate Vestrae Sanctitati ac Sanctae Sedi Apostolicae pro mea exilitate servio.
[3.] Dominus baro6 ita a nostris omnibus amatur, ut eum non in illa Sicilia, quae pars Italiae esse censetur, sed in hac, quae pars Hungariae est, quam et ipsam eodem nomine appellamus, natum esse reputemus et pro vero ac puro Hungaro habeamus. Qui ita, ut mei mihi retulerunt, causam meam iussu Vestrae Sanctitatis egit me absente, ut vel hoc ipso, si nihil unquam benignitatis Vestra Sanctitas antea in me contulisset, fatear me ei perpetuo obligatissimum non aliter, quam si omnia, quae petebantur, fuissent impetrata.7 Me ac meam servitutem ad pedum pulveres Vestrae Sanctitatis humillime commendo, quam Deus felicissimam esse velit. Viennae XXI. Augusti 1524.
[4.] Serenissimus princeps Ferdinandus mirabilem devotionem et affectum ostendit in Vestram Sanctitatem et in Sanctam Sedem. Qua de re multa mecum est hodie locutus asserens se eam religionem, in qua natus ipse sit, in qua maiores sui mortui sint, non solum constantissime servare, verum et cum omni etiam vitae discrimine tueri perpetuo velle.
Eiusdem Vestrae Sanctitatis humillimus servulus Stephanus Brodericus praepositus Quinqueecclesiensis On the outer side: Sanctissimo Domino Nostro Papae, Domino mihi semper Clementissimo25 post ut is del. 4 Archbishop of Esztergom László Szalkai. Compare: Lk, 21,2. 6 Papal Nuncio Baron Antonio Burgio. On his activities in Hungary see: Bartoniek Emma (ed.), Mohács Magyarországa. Báró Burgio pápai követ jelentései, Budapest, 1926., and Magyarországi pápai követek jelentései 1524–1526. Budapest, 2001. 7 The Papal Court intervened on behalf of Brodarics already in 1524 to assist in his appointment to the bishopric. But it did not happen yet, and Brodarics was compensated by a prebend as Canon of Esztergom. 5 35 István Brodarics to Giovanni Salviati Buda, 4 November 1524 Manuscript used: ASF, Carte Strozziane, Serie I., Filza 152., fol. 9r., 12v. 1. He has received Salviati’s letter dated 7 October. There is hope for putting an end to the schism in Bohemia; at least Baron Burgio and Chancellor Szalkai are working on it zealously as can be seen in de Burgio’s letters. – 2. If peace cannot be created among contentious Christian rulers, only God knows what awaits Hungary next spring. – 3. He does not yet know when he returns to Italy but a message was sent via Marsupino the other day. – 4. Another letter has been sent regarding the matter of the bishopric of Pécs, since the previous one got lost. Arriving at a decision would be important. Reverendissime Domine, Domine Colendissime. Servitutis meae humilem commendationem. [1.] Accepi litteras Vestrae Reverendissimae Dominationis VII. Octobris datas.1 Negotium unionis Bohemicae,2 qua diligentia actum sit et agatur, Vestra Reverendissima Dominatio ex litteris domini baronis3 assidue cognoscit. Quo etiam sit nunc in statu? Spem habemus non parvam. Diligentia reverendissimi domini mei cancellarii4 tanta est, ut maior esse non possit. Ego quoque annitor, quantum possum. De domino barone nihil dico. Nullis enim verbis consequi possem hominis in rebus omnibus et in hac maxime curanda extremam atque incredibilem diligentiam.
[2.] Negotia etiam nostra, quem in modum se habeant, Dominatio Vestra Reveren dissima non ignorat. Ego nescio quid scribere, praesertim cum scribere veritatem aut etiam dicere sit periculosum. Isti etiam principes vestri immortalibus odiis inter se et armis nunquam intermorituris concertantes adiuvant multum hostem ad nos opprimendos. Quid rebus sic stantibus in ver futurum sit, futurum de nobis, Deus novit. Ego magnitudinem periculorum considerans nihil boni possum sperare. Nisi Deus et Beata Virgo Sanctissimum Dominum Nostrum5 adiuverit ad pacem faciendam.
Salviati’s letter mentioned is unknown. Renewed negotiations began in 1524 between Utraquistas – who felt threatened by the Picards (Bohemian Brothers) and the Lutherans – and Catholics. László Szalkai, Bishop of Eger, later Archbishop of Esztergom took up the lion’s share of the talks hoping that the Holy Seat would reward his efforts with appointing him Cardinal. More on this: Fraknói Vilmos, Magyarország a mohácsi vész előtt, Budapest, 1884, 82–96. 3 Compare: Papal Nuncio Baron Burgio’s report on 31 October 1524. Fraknói Vilmos, Magyarországi pápai követek jelentései... 56–60. 4 Archbishop of Esztergom and High Chancellor László Szalkai. 5 Pope Clement VII. 2 1 [3.] Ego videor iam esse in procinctu. Non satis tamen certus adhuc, quando sim iter ingressurus.6 Nuntiavi aliqua per Ioannem Marsupini7 fratris mei, quem his diebus dimisi. Dominatio Vestra Reverendissima, supplico, dignabitur in illis me habere commendatum. Quam cupio felicissimam esse atque incolumem.
Buda, IIII. Novembris 1524. Eiusdem Vestrae Reverendissimae Dominationis humilis servulus Stephanus Brodericus decretorum doctor [4.] Negotium domini Quinqueecclesiensis,8 supplico humillime, iam tandem expediatur. Misimus his diebus novas litteras praesentationis. Illae aliae miror certe, quo devenerint. Si bene memini, dederam eas Vestrae Reverendissimae Dominationi, vel si apud me remanserant, sunt vel apud Egidium Zephirum9 sollicitatorem meum vel inter reculas meas istic relictas. Quibus tamen ubicunque sint, iam non est opus istis aliis nuper missis.
On the outer side: Reverendissimo domino meo, domino Ioanni cardinali de Salviatis Regni Hungariae protectori etc., domino mihi semper observandissimo.In fact, Brodarics could leave for Rome in February 1525 only. Giovanni Marsupino, brother of Francesco Marsupino who worked as an administrator in Rome from 1518. He worked as an emissary of Szapolyai in Rome in the 1530s. See also the notes for the letter by Brodarics on 1 September 1522. 8 In theory, the bishopric of Pécs became vacant in 1522 when György Szatmári became Archbishop of Esztergom, and Louis II could appoint his successor. It was the King’s former envoy to Venice Fülöp Csulai Móré who had the prebend of Provost of Eger. In fact, Szatmári kept benefices of the bishopric until his death on 7 April 1524, so Csulai remained elected (electus) bishop. Papal confirmation became possible only after the death of Szatmári, and from Brodarics’ letter it seems it did not go smoothly either. That is why Brodarics asked for Salviati’s intervention. Some data suggest that it was unnecessary because Clement VII produced the bull that confirmed Csulai’s appointment on 26 October 1524. More on Csulai’s appointment as Bishop of Pécs: Fedeles Tamás, Egy Jagelló-kori humanista pályaképe. Csulai Móré Fülöp (1476/1477–1526), Levéltári Közlemények, 2007, 66–67. 9 Egidius Zephirus may be identical to the solicitator mentioned by the name of Egyed Római in a document in the Pannonhalma Abbey dated 10 September 1525. See: Erdélyi László (ed.), A Pannonhalmi Szent Benedek-rend története III., Nr. 272. 7 6 36 István Brodarics to Clement VII Buda, 22 November 1524 Manuscript used: ASV, Principi, vol. 2. fol. 345r–v. 1. He can present the reasons for his delay to the Pope soon in person: he was about to leave when Cardinal Campeggio was called to Buda unexpectedly after Ferdinand’s sudden departure. Archbishop of Esztergom László Szalkai, who is ready to act according to the wishes of the papal court, was of great service in this. – 2. He will report on the situation here after arriving in Rome; he does not want to burden the Pope with a lengthy letter now; the Pope can learn the essentials from Archdean Imre. He expresses his gratitude to the papal court and Baron Burgio for intervening on his behalf; now he is put under even stronger obligation if that is possible at all. Beatissime Pater, ac Domine, Domine Clementissime. Post servitutis meae perpetuae ad pulveres pedum Vestrae Sanctitatis beatorum humillimam commendationem. [1.] Causas tam diuturnae meae morae Vestra Sanctitas a me ipso brevi accipiet. Non enim credo me iam diutius moraturum. Nunc etiam iam eram in procinctu ad Vestram Sanctitatem eundi,1 cum rursus alia morae causa incidit: vocatio videlicet reverendissimi domini cardinalis Campei2 ad hanc maiestatem domini mei serenissimi. Hoc enim visum est convenientius et honori Sanctae Sedis ac Vestrae Sanctitatis accomodatius, quam eum post repentinum praesertim serenissimi principis Ferdinandi illinc abitum Viennae desidere. Qua in re perficienda adiuti sumus egregie opera reverendissimi domini Strigoniensis3 ad omnia mandata Vestrae Sanctitatis implenda et ad omnia, quae ad splendorem ac decus Vestrae Sanctitatis pertinere videntur, facienda proclivissimi.
[2.] Ubi cum reverendissimo domino legato praesente etiam domino Strigoniense fuero, statim ad Vestram Sanctitatem advolabo et plura ac certiora de rebus omnibus referam.4 Ne vero nunc longioribus litteris sim Vestrae Sanctitati taedio, referet nonnulla Vestrae Sanctitati nomine meo dominus Emericus archidiaconus,5 frater meus. Illud tamen unum neque ego possum tacere. Me licet ab initio fuerim Vestrae Sanctitati ita addictus, ut addi nihil posse videretur, nunc tamen ob diligentissimas intercessiones immo contentiones quoque acerrimas domini baronis pro mea promotione nomine Vestrae Sanctitatis factas, factum esse longe addictiorem et obstrictum vinc
1 Louis II informed the Pope already on 20 October 1524 that Brodarics would be sent back to Rome. Compare: Theiner Augustin, Vetera monumenta Slavorum meridionalium historiam illustrantia, Romae, 1863, 584. 2 Papal legate Cardinal Campeggio stayed in Hungary and then in Vienna from 18 July 1524. 3 László Szalkai had held the title Archbishop of Esztergom since May 1524. 4 In fact, Brodarics could leave in February 1525 only. Louis II dated his letter of commission on 13 February 1525 in Buda. Compare: ASV, Principi, vol. 3., fol. 36r–v. We have data that show that the treasury paid out 200 forints to Brodarics on 22 February 1525 for travel expenses (compare: Fraknói Vilmos, II. Lajos számadási könyve, Magyar Történelmi Tár (XXII.), 1877, 85.) 5 This may refer to Brodarics’ long-time protégé Archdean of Gyulafehérvár Imre Kálnai. tumque esse perpetuis vinculis in perpetuam Sanctitatis Vestrae et inclytae eius domus servitutem.6 Non minus certe, quam si omnia amplissima eius intercessione fuissem consecutus. Cetera, ut praemisi, dicet Vestrae Sanctitati dominus archidiaconus. Quem supplex oro dignetur benigne audire.
Me ac meam perpetuam servitutem in gratiam Vestrae Sanctitatis rursus supplex commendo. Quam Deus felicissimam et sospitem conservet.
Budae, 22. Novembris 1524. Eiusdem Vestrae Sanctitatis humillimus servulus Stephanus Brodericus praepositus Quinqueecclesiensis. On the outer side: Sanctissimo Domino Nostro Clementi papae VIImo, Domino mihi semper clementissimo37 István Brodarics to Giovanni Salviati Buda, 4 December 1524 Manuscript used: ASF, Carte Strozziane, Serie I., Filza 152., fol. 68r–v.1 1. Salviati should get 110 Hungarian gold coins of Brodarics’ money given to the man of Burgio. – 2. Legate Campeggio is expected for Christmas. After Campeggio’s arrival he himself can set out for Rome. He would regret if he didn’t find Salviati in Rome. Reverendissime Domine, Domine Colendissime. Servitutis humillimam commendationem. [1.] De pecuniis meis, supplico, Vestra Reverendissima Dominatio iubeat dari ei, cui dominus Ioannes Antonius baro nuntius Apostolicus commisit, vel qui eas nomine ipsius petierit, ducatos in auro Hungaricales centum et decem.
[2.] Alia nunc non sunt. Exspectamus reverendissimum dominum cardinalem Campeium2 ad diem Nativitatis huc venturum. Ego post festa credo me iter ingressurum.
6 The Papal Court attempted to achieve via Baron Burgio the appointment of Brodarics already in 1524, but they failed due to the resistance of Archbishop Szalkai. Brodarics was compensated by a prebend as Canon of Esztergom. Louis II., however, made a promise to the Pope that he would raise Brodarics to Bishop status as soon as possible. Compare: Theiner Augustin, Vetera monumenta Slavorum meridionalium historiam illustrantia, Romae, 1863. 585. The manuscript is damaged at some places. Louis invited Papal Legate Cardinal Campeggio to Buda in November, and Brodarics’ travel was postponed until his arrival. See the previous letter on this. 2 King 1 Dolebo maiorem in modum, si Dominationem Vestram Reverendissimam ab Urbe contingat abesse. Minuet tamen meum dolorem Sanctae Sedis Apostolicae necessitas et obsequium, quod Vestram Reverendissimam Dominationem abesse cogit. Utinam post tot et tanta dissidia principum pacem videamus.3 Qua nem o m agis indiget, quam nos. Vestram Reverendissimam Dominationem cupio optime valere.Ex Buda IIII. Decembris 1524. Eiusdem Vestrae Reverendissimae Dominationis humilis servitor Stephanus Brodericus praepositus Quinqueecclesiensis On the outer side: Reverendissimo domino meo colendissimo, domino cardinali Salviati, legato Galliae Cisalpinae etc.38 István Brodarics to Louis II Buda , [9 December 1524]1 Manuscript used: MOL DL 105435 Brodarics puts forward a request from István and Ferenc Révay that the King affirm their land purchase agreement with Ambrus Rwchy, and should the King have any claims regarding the estate in question, transfer those to the Révay brothers.Sacra Regia Maiestas et Domine, Domine Gratiosissime. Supplicatur Maiestati Vestrae in personis fidelium eiusdem egregiorum Stephani et
Francisti de Rewa2 in eo humillime, quatenus dignetur Maiestas Vestra illi fassioni et perpetuae venditioni, quam nobilis Ambrosius Rwchy de Bodogazzonzakaya super totali portione sua possessionaria in eadem possessione Bodogazzonzakaya habita3 Clement VII wanted to commission Cardinal Salviati (1490–1553) to create peace between Charles V and Francis I as a legate in Lombardy. The Pope finally appointed the Cardinal as Legate after the French defeat (24 February 1525), in a very different situation, only on 5 May 1525. On Salviati’s activities as legate see Brodarics’ letters to Sigismund I on 17 May 1525 and to Salviati on 20 May 1525. 1 There is no date on the document, and we only know from a remark of the relator Brodarics that King Louis sanctioned the request on 9 December 1524. 2 István Révay (?–after 1545), first Captain in Újlak, then, after Mohács, Captain in Siklós in the service of Péter Perényi. He enters the service of Ferdinand I in 1528, captain of the royal gun-boats from November 1527. – Ferenc Révay, (1498–1553), Secretary of Palatine István Báthory, later Protonotarius (1519–1526). His career rises after Mohács. King Ferdinand appoints him Personalis first (1527–1542), then Palatine’s governor (1542–1553). Comes of Turóc county from 1532 until his death. On the Révay family more recently: Pálffy Géza, Különleges úton a Magyar Királyág arisztokráciájába: a Révay-család a 16. szá zadban, Történelmi Szemle, 2009, 1–20. coram personali praesentia Maiestatis Vestrae fecisset gratum praebere consensum et nihilominus totum et omne ius regium, si quid Maiestas Vestra in eadem portione haberet, pro fidelibus servitiis ipsorum supplicantium eisdem conferre gratiose. Concessit Regia Maiestas feria sexta proxima post festum Conceptionis 1524. Stephanus Brodaryth doctor secretarius 39 István Brodarics to Louis II Buda , [21 February 1525]1 Manuscript used: MOL DL 260226; MOL 2854022 Brodarics presents to the King a request from István Terjék and Palatine’s Secretary Ferenc Révay regarding their trial against Ferenc Szántói Botka.Sacra Regia Maiestas, Domine Gratiosissime. Supplicatur Maiestati Vestrae in personis fidelium eiusdem egregiorum Stephani Theryek de Zenthersebeth3 et Francisci de Rewa4 secretarii palatinalis in eo, uti dignetur Maiestas Vestra ex innata sua clementia illas duas partes iudiciarias oneris et gravaminis sententiae, in quo nobilis Franciscus Bothka de Zantho per omissionem iuramenti sui in praesenti termino celebrationis idiciorum contra nobilem dominam Margaretham, relictam quondam Francisci similiter Bothka de dicta Zantho coram personali praesentia Maiestatis Vestrae convictus exstitit et aggravatus, dictis supplicantibus pro fidelibus servitiis eorundem conferre gratiose.
Concessit Maiestas Regia in profesto cathedrae Sancti Petri Apostoli 1525. Stephanus Brodericus secretarius 19 Concessit ... Brodaryth doctor secretarius manu Broderici 10 Concessit ... Brodericus secretarius manu Broderici 1 There is no date on the document, and we only know from a remark of the relator Brodarics that King Louis sanctioned the request on 21 February 1525. 2 Both reference the same manuscript. 3 István Szenterzsébeti Terjék, nobleman from Zala county. His sister Orsolya is the mother of Tamás Nádasdy, so he is the uncle of the future Palatine. Student at the Vienna university in 1494. Tenant of the Zalavár abbey with his father from 1518. Compare: Füssy Tamás, A zalavári apátság története (A pannonhalmi Szent Benedek-rend története, VII.), Budapest, 1902, 110–114. 4 Ferenc Révay was Secretary of Palatine István Báthory, later Protonotary (1519–1526). See more on him in the notes for the previous letter. 40 Sigismund I to István Brodarics Cracow , [April 1525]1 Manuscript used: BJ 6556 fol. 8v. 1. He has heard from Statileo that Brodarics is in Rome again as an envoy, something which he heard with satisfaction knowing Brodarics’ loyalty. – 2. He asks Brodarics to keep representing him and his subjects in their affairs and to keep informing him about developments.Reverende sincere nobis Dilecte. [1.] Retulit nobis reverendus Ioannes Statilius, praepositus Eursiensis2 et serenissimi domini Ludovici Hungariae et Bohemiae regis nepotis nostri carissimi apud nos orator te iterum Romae oratorem agere, quae res sint nobis acceptissima, experti enim sumus tuam erga nos fidem et propensionem, experti diligentiam et curam in obeundis negotiis nostris, quae istic Romae eveniebant. Proindeque et commendavimus iam saepe ipsi serenissimo domino nepoti nostro virtutem et merita tua et commendare in dies magis non desistemus.
[2.] Postulamus vero a te impense, ut tibi curae istic sint, ut solebant, nostra subditorumque et procerum nostrorum negotia, quae incident, nobisque ea, quae nova emergent, scribere per omnem occasionem non gravare, ut et tua erga nos merita et nostrum vicissim in te favorem reddas in dies cumulatiorem. Datum.
1 The letter can be dated based on Statileo’s legation and the return of Brodarics to Rome. Statileo went to Cracow as an envoy in the spring of 1525 and got an answer from the Polish King on 12 April (see AT VII. 241). Brodarics left for Rome in late February 1525. On 5 March he was still in Pécs (he got a letter of commission from Bishop Fülöp Csulai Móré then), so the earliest he could reach the Eternal City was in April. 2 János Statileo (Statilius in Latin form, Statilić in Croatian) (1472–1542), Provost of Óbuda, later Transylvanian Bishop of János Szapolyai (1528–1542). More on his life: Sörös Pongrác, Statileo János életéhez, A pannonhalmi szt. benedekrendi főiskola évkönyve, Pannonhalma, 1916, 3–56., and Domagoj Madunić, Vinko Pribojevic and the Glory of Slavs, Budapest, 2003, 19. 41 János Statileo to István Brodarics Cracow, 12 April 1525 Manuscript used: ASF, Carte Strozziane, Serie I., Filza 157., fol. 184r.1 Albrecht von Brandenburg, Grand Master of the Teutonic Order, made an oath of allegiance to Polish King Sigismund, and got the land he already had as feud. Excerpta ex litteris oratoris Ut Dominatio Vestra Reverendissima sit particeps novitatum, quae hic contingunt, volui ei significare serenissimum Poloniae regem inivisse perpetuam pacem et concordiam cum illustrissimo principe Alberto alias magistro Prussiae, nunc vero duce Prussiae ea lege, ut ipse princeps Albertus habeat terram Prussiae illam, quam habuit hucusque, in feudum a regibus Poloniae ipse et heredes masculi eius et quattuor fratrum suorum, quibus deficientibus ipsum feudum recidat in regem Poloniae restitutis hinc inde occupatis tempore belli praeteriti.2 Et sic feria secunda praeterita3 ipse princeps Albertus praestitit iuramentum uti domino suo naturali serenissimo regi Poloniae sedenti in diademate in throno ad id constructo in foro Cracoviensi. Cui in signum subiectionis rex dedit nova insignia, vexillum scilicet ex serico album cum aquila nigra habente torquem auream in collo, ex qua pendet littera S, et sic nos fuimus in triumpho.
Datum Cracoviae feria quarta post Palmas. 42 Sigismund I to István Brodarics Cracow , [April 1525]1 Manuscript used: BJ 6556 fol. 16r–v. 1. He has learnt that the Observant Franciscans in Rome are trying to procure monasteries of the Conventuals in Bohemia and Poland, and it seems as if this was the intention of Sigismund too. – 2. He requests Brodarics to take steps against this, because this is exactly the opposite of what Sigismund wants who regards Conventuals highly because they are of great help in the fight against spreading heresy. Their Provincial, Marcus de Torre has a high reputation all over the country, so his withdrawal would be a serious loss for the Church here.abstract of Statileo’s letter forwarded by Brodarics enclosed to his letter to Cardinal Salviati on 20 May. 2 It is the war between the Teutonic Order and Poland (1519–21) which ended with the Knights’ defeat. 3 10 April 1525. 1 Date uncertain. Brodarics says in his letter on 17 May that he received several letters but we cannot be sure that he refers to these two. 1 An [1.] Intelleximus fratres Sancti Francisci de observantia id agere, ut loca conventualium in regno nostro et Bohemiae sibi a Sanctissimo Domino Nostro impetrarent, quasi haec sit voluntas nostra, ut ea illi potius haberent.
[2.] Postulamus a te, obstes, quominus id perficere valeant. Tantum enim abest, ut haec voluntas nostra sit, ut etiam nobis non posset esse non molestum quidquam prae ter veterem eorum ordinem in regno nostro constitutionem renovari, et praesertim nunc invalescente in dies magis circumquaque perniciosissima haeresi, ad quam retundendam magno nobis ex usu sunt ipsi fratres conventuales, praesertim venerabilis Marcus a Turri2 commissarius et provincialis regni nostri, qui et monasteria hic sua in debitum redegit ordinem et religioni sua doctrina suaque sanctimonia plurimum conducit. Proindeque nobis et regnicolis nostris est multo gratissimus, qui si amoveri hinc deberet, magno omnino praesidio res haec ecclesiastica privaretur. Quare illum ac eius ordinem tam in regno nostro, quam etiam Bohemia consistentem patrocinio tuo etiam atque etiam commendamus.
43 István Brodarics to Sigismund I1 Rome, 17 May 1525 Manuscript used: BN T. 6. fol. 33r–v.2 1. He received several letters from Sigismund in recent days in which he is requested to intervene in certain affairs; he is happy to do this. – 2. He thanks for Sigismund’s intervention on his behalf with Louis II; he strives to repay Sigismund’s goodwill. – 3. According to Johannes Rudniczki’s report, the King’s request has been in part fulfilled, in part it will be put forward to the Pope tomorrow by Brodarics and Cardinal Pucci; Sigismund will be informed about the Pope’s answer promptly. – 4. The Pope is relentless in his attempts to create peace between the Emperor and the French King; Cardinal Giovanni Salviati has been ordered to stay with the Emperor as a legate; Brodarics has been sent with him. – 5. He trusts that peace can be attained; he wrote a ciphered letter about this to Bishop of Przemiśl Andrzej Krzycki; he trusts this most of all because of the noble heart of the French King with whom he negotiated not long ago and has written about it to Sigismund. If it fails there is no other way of saving Hungary than what he had already written to Sigismund [peace agreement with the Turks]; he wishes this had been done before losing Belgrade and Szörényvár, since nobody cares about the Hungarians, they all care only about themselves. – 7. All kinds of unbelievable things are being written about the German peasants’ war, but he believes that Sigismund has more information on this than he has; it is also said that the Turks will not attack Hungary this year but this is consolation only inasmuch as it gives some respite. – 8. If there is a need for intervention regarding the Duchy of Bari, he asks Sigismund to let him know; if he happens to be away from Rome, his fellow envoy Francesco Marsupino or Cardinal Lorenzo Pucci will forward letters addressed to him. Turri or Marcus de Torre, Franciscan monk born in Venice, Polish provincial. Taught theology at the Cracow University in 1519. He was confessor of Bona Sforza, so he had excellent relationship with the Polish court. See also AT V. 242., 253.; AT VI. 268., 306.; AT VII. 63., 83., and Fraknói Vilmos, Magyarországi pápai követek jelentései... 324. 1 The text of the letter is on the Internet, in a somewhat different variant, transcribed by Péter Tóth. http://ephemeris.alcuinus.net/exempla.php. 2 Further manuscripts: BK 213fol. 525–527; BJ 6549 fol. 546–548; BCzart TN 37. fol. 259–262. 2 Marcus Sacratissima Regia Maiestas, Domine, Domine mihi Clementissime. Post servitiorum meorum in gratiam Vestrae Maiestatis humillimam commendationem. [1.] Accepi aliquot litteras Vestrae Maiestatis his diebus, in quibus Vestra Maiestas scribit mihi de nonnullis suis negotiis, quae mihi perinde curae erunt, ut negotia serenissimi et gratiosissimi domini mei, carissimi nepotis Vestrae Maiestatis. Neque ulla ratione magis poterit Vestra Maiestas suam in me gratiam ostendere, quam si servitute mea quantulacunque uti fuerit dignata. Quod ut facere velit, eidem supplico humillime.
[2.] Nescio autem quibus verbis Vestrae Maiestati gratias agam, vel quibus obsequiis promereri apud eam possim eam gratiam, quam superioribus mensibus in commendando me, suo minimo servulo sacratissimae maiestati nepotis sui carissimi declaravit. Hoc unum semper et palam profitebor, et re ipsa ac servitute mea sincerissima ostendere conabor Vestram Maiestatem, quod in me conferet, in gratum ac fidelissimum servitorem collaturam, et quicquid mihi accessionis contigerit, id soli Vestrae Maiestati libens debebo.3
[3.] Verum ut ad ea redeam, de quibus Vestra Maiestas scribit, ea partim sunt expedita, sicut mihi dominus Joannes Rudniczki rettulit, partim cras, unacum reverendissimo domino cardinale Sanctorum Quattuor,4 sicut Vestra Maiestas iubet (de praelatorum huc missione loquor) Sanctissimo Domino Nostro referentur. De cuius voluntate faciam Vestram Maiestatem ilico certiorem.
[4.] Pontifex in facto pacis inter caesarem et Christianissimum regem faciendae vehementissime laborat, delegit eius rei gratia reverendissimum dominum cardinalem Salviati, nepotem suum ad ceasarem mittendum.5 Cum quo consultissimum iudicaret me quoque, qui huius potissimum rei gratia a maiestate domini mei gratiosissimi missus sum, illuc proficisci. De qua pontificis voluntate scripsi ad Maiestatem Regiam.
17 Rwdynczky del., suprascr. alia manu Rudniczki 3 Brodarics asked Sigismund several times in May 1524, after György Szatmári ‘s death, to intervene for him so that he can obtain some substantial benefice, presumably some bishopric. This means that the Polish court also spoke up for him. Brodarics did not earn a bishopric at that time but he got the benefice of the Esztergom Canon added to that of Provost of Pécs, and Louis II. made a promise that he would raise Brodarics to Bishop status as soon as possible. 4 The church named after the Four Crowned Saints (Quattuor Sanctorum Coronatorum) was the titular church of Cardinal Lorenzo Pucci (Laurentius Pucius) (1458–1531), Bishop of Melf, later of Alba. 5 Clement VII appointed Cardinal Giovanni Salviati, Legate with Charles V, on 5 May 1525. His task was, as Brodarics says, first of all, creating peace between the French and the Spanish Kings and preparation for the war against the Turks. [5.] Si posset confici ista pax, sicut sumus in non parva spe, propter illas causas, quas ad reverendissimum dominum Premisliensem,6 cum quo mihi notae occultiores7 sunt, perscripsi, si, inquam, confici posset, essemus securi de salute Christianae Reipublicae, praesertim ob eum animum, quem certe magnum et excellentem in rege Christianissimo esse animadverti superioribus diebus, dum apud eum essem,8 de quo ad Vestram Maiestatem proxime scripsi.9 Sin minus, ego, quantumcunque cogitem, Sapientissime Rex, non video ullam aliam salutis nostrae rationem,10 quam illam, de qua scio me aliquando ad Vestram Maiestatem scripsisse, et quam utinam ante perditum Belgradum ac dirutum Severinum11 secuti fuissemus. Sed vetera sero querimur. Clementissime Princeps, unusquisque curat sua propria negotia, et nemo nostra, et alii Christiani sang uine Christiano inexplebiles sub tegmine alarum Vestrarum Maiestatum Sacratissimarum requiescunt. Sed de his satis, praesertim cum non sit sine periculo scribere veritatem.
[7.] De tumultu Germanico12 mira scribuntur, sed illa scio Vestrae Maiestati quam nobis esse notiora. Affirmatur ex omnibus partibus Turcam pro hoc anno nos magna vi non agressurum. Sed hoc etiam, si verum esset, parum consolationis nobis praebere deberet, nisi quod per has moras exitium nostrum longius proferri ac prorogari videtur.
[8.] De rebus Barensis13 scio Vestram Maiestatem a suis fieri certiorem. Si mihi ad caesarem eundum fuerit, et si quid me ibi Vestra Maiestas sibi in hoc servire voluerit,
Krzycki, Bishop of Przemiśl. Brodarics uses cipher in several letters, which is only partially deciphered so far. 18 Brodarics visited the French King imprisoned by Charles V after the battle of Pavia (24 February 1525) in the town of Pizzighettone. Unfortunately, he misjudged Francis’ “noble heart”: he would recall this encounter in his report on the Battle of Mohács written 2 years later, and reproach the French ruler for promising help to Hungary against the Turks, something he did not keep. (“[...] regi Gallorum et illud in memoriam reducit [sc. Louis II], quid sibi in oppido Piczigetone captivus per oratorem suum [sc. Brodarics] de defendenda Hungaria et de ferendis, si Deus eum pristinae libertati restituisset, suppetiis promiserit [...]” See Stephanus Brodericus, De conflictu Hungarorum cum Solymano Turcarum imperatore ad Mohach historia verissima, Ed. Petrus Kulcsár, Budapest, 1985, 27–28.) 19 We do not have this letter. 10 Brodarics obviously alludes to peace to be signed with the Turks: the idea to bring the official state of war with the Turks, that began in 1521, to an end by peace agreement or armistice was considered several times in the Hungarian court but was rejected every time – partly under pressure from the Pope. The same considerations were spelled out in a letter to Sigismund on 10 June 1523, which shows that Brodarics had seen the situation clearly already then, and, as this letter demonstrates, it did not change much in 2 years. Brodarics’ warnings were heard in the Polish court at least. Sigismund, seeing the failure in Christian cooperation, signed peace with the Turks on 15 November 1525. Brodarics, in his first letter addressed to Piotr Tomicki and Andrzej Krzycki (6 September 1526), still expresses regret over the fact that Hungarians did not follow the Polish example (“O nos nunquam minus prudentes, quam tunc, cum consilia pacis cum Turco Vestris Dominationibus non suadentibus solum, sed hortantibus ac rogantibus etiam, non suscepimus.” See the letter by Brodarics on 6 September 1526.) 11 Nándorfehérvár (today: Beograd, Serbia) was occupied by the Turks on 29 August 1521; Bey of Nándorfehérvár Bali occupied Szörényvár (today: Turnu-Severin, Romania) in September 1524. 12 Reference to the German peasants’ war. 13 Brodarics had done services to Sigismund in connection to the Duchy of Bari before. (More on the case of the Duchy of Bari: AT, VIII. 295–379.) 17 16 Andrzej faciat me certiorem. Litterae Vestrae Maiestatis etiam si interim discederem per collegam meum, dominum Franciscum Marsupinum, qui hic erit, vel etiam per reverendissimum dominum cardinalem Sanctorum Quattuor fideliter ad me mittentur. Me et servitia mea in gratiam Vestrae Maiestatis rursus humillime commendo. Romae 17. Maii 1525. Eiusdem Vestrae Sacratissimae Maiestatis minimus servulus Stephanus Brodericus orator On the outer side: Sacratissimae regiae maiestati Poloniae, magno duci Lithvaniae, Rwssiae, Prussiae etc. domino ac heredi, domino meo clementissimo.44 István Brodarics to Giovanni Salviati Rome, 20 May 1525 Manuscript used: ASF, Carte Strozziane, Serie I., Filza 157., fol. 183r–v, 185v. 1. He had no time to write a letter since he has arrived to Rome; on the other hand, he hasn’t received any news from Hungary. – 2. King of Poland made peace with the Grand Master of the Teutonic Order; more detail in the attached document. – 3. He hopes that Salviati’s mission for peace is on the right track. The Pope ordered Brodarics to join him for the time of the talks. – 3. Pietro Antoni Berri of Parma, envoy of Louis II to Salviati, has arrived in Rome. He asks Salviati to arrange a smaller benefice for Berri in his birthplace. Reverendissime Domine, Domine Colendissime. Servitutis commendationem. [1.] In isto primo meo in Urbem adventu1 fui adeo occupatus, ut nihil potuerim in hanc horam ad Vestram Reverendissimam Dominationem scribere. Etsi alioquin non erat magnopere, quod scriberem. Nihil enim ex Hungaria a toto illo tempore habemus.
[2.] Ex Polonia autem illud tantum, quod puto Vestram Reverendissimam Dominationem intellexisse serenissimum Poloniae regem2 cum magistro Prussiae3 perpetuam inivisse pacem illis conditionibus,4 quas ex scheda5 praesentibus inclusa intelliget,
Brodarics left for Rome in late February 1525. The earliest he could reach Rome was in early April. Sigismund I. 3 Albrecht von Brandenburg, Grand Master of the Teutonic Order, Duke of the secularised Prussian state after conversion to the Evangelical faith. 4 Albrecht von Brandenburg framed the state of the Teutonic Knights into a Lutheran secular Grand Duchy. He gave fealty to Polish King Sigismund on 10 April 1525. 5 See Statileo’s letter on 12 April 1525. 2 1 quae scheda descripta est ex litteris oratoris6 serenissimi regis mei, qui pro hac re ad Poloniam missus fuerat. [3.] Vestrae Reverendissimae Dominationi cupio legationem, quae ei est demandata, esse faustam felicemque et pacis publicae, pro qua vadit, impetratricem, cum ingenti Vestrae Dominationis Reverendissimae gloria. Puto Vestram Reverendissimam Dominationem intellexisse mentem Sanctissimi Domini Nostri7 de persona mea cum Vestra Reverendissima Dominatione mittenda.8 Quamvis iter sit et longum et laboriosum praesertim hoc anni tempore, tamen non poterit esse nisi iucundum cum Vestra Dominatione Reverendissima. Exspecto litteras a serenissimo rege.9
[3.] Est hic in Urbe dominus Petrus Antonius Berrus Parmensis10 secretarius serenissimi regis Hungariae, domini mei gratiosissimi Dominationi Vestrae Reverendissimae per maiestatem eius commendatus. Maiestas sua mihi commisit discedenti, ut ei uti servitori ac secretario suo ubique, ubi esset opus, adessem maxime apud Vestram Reverendissimam Dominationem. Idem et regina11 serenissima iussit. Nunc intelligo oblatam esse occasionem Vestrae Reverendissimae Dominationi ei in ista ecclesia Parmensi, quae est ei patria, de aliquo beneficiolo subveniendi. Supplico Dominationi Vestrae Reverendissimae primum ob respectum maiestatis regiae ac reginalis, deinde meorum etiam servitiorum, quae iampridem penitus Vestrae Reverendissimae Dominationi dicavi, dignetur ei providere. Quod ego non aliter conabor apud Vestram Reverendissimam Dominationem promereri, quam si in me ipsum esset collatum. Vestrae Reverendissimae Dominationi servitutem meam humillimam supplex commendo. Quae optime ac felicissime valeat.
Romae, XX. Maii 1525. Vestrae Reverendissimae Dominationis servulus humilis Stephanus Brodericus orator Address: Reverendissimo domino meo, domino cardinali de Salviatis Lombardiae legato, semper observandissimo. [Outside, in a different handwriting:] 1525 orator Hungariae, Datae Romae XX Mai. Redditae Parmae 25 eiusdem. 28 fuisset del. suprascr. esset János Statileo. Pope Clement VII. 18 Brodarics mentions in a letter to King Sigismund on 17 May that the Pope ordered him to participate in the peace talks between Salviati and Charles V. 19 Hungarian and Czech King Louis II. 10 Pietro Antonio Berri of Parma arrived in Germany with Legate Tomasso Vio, and they went to the court of Louis II from there. He was appointed Royal Secretary for his services. As such, he visited Rome as an envoy already before 1525. The two credentials that King Louis and Queen Mary issued to Berri as their envoy are dated 31 May 1524. See Theiner Augustin, Vetera monumenta Slavorum meridionalium historiam illustrantia, Romae, 1863, 580–581. 11 Maria Habsburg (1505–1558), wife of Louis II from 1522. 17 16 45 István Brodarics to Giovanni Salviati Rome, 10 June 1525 Manuscript used: ASF, Carte Strozziane, Serie I., Filza 158., fol. 166r–v; 165r–v. 1. Ha wants to return Salviati’s good will with deeds rather than words. – 2. Only Salviati’s company makes the expected hardships of the trip to Spain endurable. – 3. He has not yet received a letter from Hungary. Salviati can find his news on the attached page. Reverendissime Domine, Domine Observandissime. Servitutis commendationem. [1.] Pro singulari Vestrae Reverendissimae Dominationis in me benignitate, quam et hae litterae, quas nunc ab illa accepi,1 praesetulerunt, malo Vestrae Reverendissimae Dominationi reipsa et facto, quantum a me fieri poterit, referre, quam verbis gratias agere.
[2.] Nihil magis, quod et antea scripsi,2 difficultatem, laborem ac molestias itineris Hispanici aestimantem consolatur, quam quod mihi cum Vestra Dominatione Reve rendissima eundum esse video. Quam dispeream, si non ex toto corde et amo et observo et veneror. Cupioque illi ex animo servire.
[3.] Litteras adhuc ex Hungaria, quas exspectamus, non habuimus. Iam diutius differri non possunt. Ea, quae habuimus, perscripsi in hac scheda praesentibus inclusa. Alia nunc non sunt. Servitutem meam rursus humiliter commendo. Vestram Reveren dissimam Dominationem felicissime cupio valere.
Roma X. Iunii 1525. Vestrae Reverendissimae Dominationis humillimus servulus Stephanus Brodericus orator [Addressed:] Reverendissimo domino meo colendissimo, domino cardinali de Salviatis Lombardiae legato etc. Parmae [On the outer side in a different handwriting:] Datae Romae X Iunii. Redditae Parmae 16. [Attachment to Brodarics’ letter] Ex Hungaria ex litteris XXV. praeteriti3 habemus conventum4 regni, qui celebrabatur, fuisse turbulentissimum ac nobilitatem rebus infectis abiisse male contentam et
4 post poterit: quam del. We do not have Salviati’s letter. See the previous letter. 3 I.e. a letter dated 25 May 1525. 4 The national assembly held between 7–22 May 1525 partly in Buda, partly in Rákosmező. This, indeed, turned out to be turbulent due to the stepping up of the discontent lesser nobility. 2 1 omnia extrema minitantem, sese conventum pro libito suo armatos facturos rebusque regni aliter consulturos. Scribunt decimas, quae praelatis ecclesiarum debebantur, eos suspendisse (hoc enim vocabulo scribitur), atque ad fines a Turca tutandos expensuros.5 Velle omnino, ut orator caesaris6 et Venetorum7 abeat cum omnibus Alemannis, qui in aula regia vel reginali versantur. Factam esse praedam de Iudaica tota et de domo etiam cuiusdam servitoris reginae praedivitis superioribus annis facti ex Iudeo Christiani.8 Venerant iam oratores Bohemorum pro conclusione unionis, tractabatur hoc negotium.9
Apud regem Poloniae intelligimus esse oratores Turcae duos pacem ab eo et medio eius a rege Hungariae petentes; de rege Poloniae nullum dubium est eum pacem cum Turca initurum, de rege nostro nihil adhuc habemus certi. Quamvis vix possim mihi persuadere eum idem, quod patruus fecerit, non facturum. Quid enim aliud agat destitutus ab omnibus, et nunc rege etiam patruo et vicino, in quo solo post Deum et Sacrosanctam Sedem spem ponebat, in hanc pacem concedente.10
23 utuntur del. suprascr. scribitur 15 Demands of noblemen included allotment of tenths to the maintenance of border fortresses, but no decision was made due to the protests. It is true that high priests could not get the tenths due before. Compare: Kubinyi, A magyar állam belpolitikai... 90. 16 Imperial envoy Hans Schneidpöck. 17 Envoy of Venice Vicenzo Guidoto left Hungary on 25 July 1525 in accordance to the decree of the national assembly. Compare: Balogh István, Velenczei diplomaták Magyarországról (1500–1526), Szeged, 1929, LXIX. 18 The house of Royal Vice-Treasurer Imre Szerencsés was burned down by the incited crowd. 19 Reference to the legation sent to Buda in May 1525 in connection to the negotiations between the Utraquistas and the Catholics. Its leaders were Duke Karel Münsterberský, Lew Zdenko, and Jan Pasek. Louis II. received the legation on 21 May in the presence of Legate Campeggio and Nuncio Burgio. Compare: Fraknói Vilmos, Magyarország a mohácsi vész előtt, Budapest, 1884, 92. 10 Hungary, the target of campaign of the Sultan in the following year, was not included in the peace pact between Poland and Turkey signed in November 1525 in spite of Sigismund’s request. Brodarics regretted this in his letter to Cracow written on 6 September 1526, after the Mohács defeat. Brodarics, in his letter on 4 July, mentions a letter received from Sigismund dated 12 June. Further manuscripts: BK 213 fol. 531–532; BOss 177 fol. 313v–314r; Libri Legationum vol. XXIII. fol. 372; BJ 6557 fol. 105v–106r; BCzart TN 37. fol. 799–800. 12 11 46 Sigismund I to István Brodarics Cracow , [12 June 1525]1 Manuscript used: BN T. 28. fol. 143r.2 Published: Acta Tomiciana VII. 290. 1. He was pleased to hear that Brodarics is also sent to the Emperor with Salviati. He asks Brodarics to present the case of the Duchy of Bari to Charles. He was deprived of it without explanation, even though itwas the Emperor himself who put him into its possession. He wrote about it to Cardinal Salviati as well as to his envoy to the Emperor Johannes Dantiscus. – 2. He also informed the envoy about how he had reached an agreement with the Grand Master of the Order and about his peace agreement with the Turks. He asks Brodarics to represent the Polish point of view in this case too. 5 Reverendissime Devote nobis Dilecte. [1.] Intelleximus te cum reverendissimo domino cardinali de Salviatis, legato Apostolico ad caesaream maiestatem designato proficisci, quod nobis summopere placuit, ut cognitam habentes fidem et propensionem, quam erga nos geris, te illic rerum nostrarum habeamus curatorem. Rogamus autem te, ut, cum in aula eius caesareae maiestatis fueris, habeas commendatam causam nostram ducatus Barensis,3 cuius possessione licet indicta causa spoliati fuerimus, ad quam legitime successeramus. Licet etiam deinde investituram caesaream et commissionem illius maiestatis de restituenda nobis ipsa possessione obtinuerimus et homagium debitum illius maiestati fecerimus, tamen hactenus possessionem ipsam assequi non possumus, ingerentibus nobis moras et difficultates officialibus illius Maiestatis indignas et indecentes, quibus nos iustitia nostra et bonis illis exuere contendunt. Proinde operam tuam adhibeas, ut nobis tandem possessio ipsa restituatur, et si quid aliud orator vel procuratores nostri agendum putabunt, agere non graveris prout ipsi te instruent, quo tua erga nos merita et nostrum vicissim erga te favorem uberrime cumulabis. Scripsimus etiam Sanctissimo Domino Nostro, ut et reverendissimo domino cardinali de Salviatis legato, et tibi committere dignaretur, patrocinari suo nomine apud caesaream maiestatem ipsi causae nostrae Barensi, quod eius Sanctitatem facturam non dubitamus. Scribimus pariter oratori nostro,4 quem apud ipsam caesaream maiestatem habemus, ut consilio et patrocinio tuo uteretur istic in omnibus.
[2.] Scribimus item illi, quibus rationibus transegerimus differentiam nostram cum magistro Prussiae5 et indutias cum Turco inivimus.6 Postulamus a te, ut una cum illo, cum illic eris et ubi de his aliquid ageretur, excuses et tuearis partes nostras, nam tu ipse scis, quo nos et serenissimum nepotem nostrum, dominum regem Ludovicum, ista spes generalis expeditionis adduxerit et quantas nos hic citra ullius auxilium
25 adduxerit correxi ex: adduxerunt. See the notes for Brodarics’ letter on 17 May 1525. Johannes Dantiscus (German form: Johann von Höfen or Johann Flachsbinder, Polish form: Jan Dantyszek), (1485–1548) humanist, diplomat, Bishop of Kulm, then of Warmia, legate of Sigismund I in the court of Charles V for long years. Parts of his very precious diplomatic correspondence have been published in Acta Tomiciana. Preparations for the publication of the whole correspondence are under way. A sample volume has been published so far which includes correspondence from the year 1537 (Jerzy Axer–Anna Skolimowska, Corpus epistolarum Ioannis Dantisci, Part I. Ioannis Dantisci epistulae latinae, Warsaw–Cracow, 2004). 5 Centuries-old Polish-Prussian rivalry came to an end when Albrecht von Brandenburg turned Teutonic Knights into a secular Lutheran state in 1525 and gave fealty to the Polish ruler on 10 April. See Statileo’s letter on 12 April 1525. 6 Sigismund signed peace with the Sultan in November 1525. He refused to send military aid to his cousin the following year on this pretext. 4 3 calamitates sustineamus. Cetera committimus virtuti et industriae tuae, quam iampridem exploratam habemus. Datum.7 47 István Brodarics to Sigismund I Rome, 4 July 1525 Manuscript used: BN T. 6. fol. 43r–v.1 Published: Acta Tomiciana VII. 304–305. 1. He has received Sigismund’s letter dated 12 June. The matter of the Duchy of Bari is going well, he was informed that it was passed to the representative of Sigismund. Regardless of this, he will do everything that Sigismund and Bona Sforza commit him to do. Cardinal Salviati will represent Sigismund in front of the Emperor in the case of the Duchy of Bari following instructions from Dantiscus. – 2. He does not travel to the Emperor in Spain. He himself does not know the reason; the Pope says that the relevant letter from King Louis arrived late. He would have been happy to serve the cause of peace among Christian rulers there too, and would have worked hard on setting King Francis free as instructed by King Louis. Such a mission would have been useful for the Polish and the Hungarian causes alike, because the prestige of the two Kings who carry the burden of war against Turkey by themselves could have helped reconciliation more than anybody else’s. – 3. The Pope received Sigismund’s excuses for starting peace negotiations with the Turks and the Teutonic Order with understanding. He would not be surprised if Louis II acted likewise. He knows that it is not their fault, since they have been containing enemies of Christianity for years by themselves, but it is the fault of other rulers who were impossible to persuade about the necessity of peace among them. – 4. The Pope’s position on the Knighthood has not changed and whatever he may write after the College of Cardinals, his intention is the same. Brodarics wishes King Louis followed Sigismund’s example in the matter of armistice with the Turks because if he does not do this in the hope of some support, the country’s fall is to be feared. – 5. He has no news on King Francis being taken to Spain. Hope for peace has not evaporated completely, but has diminished considerably. Janissaries in Constantinople rose demanding higher pay. Several houses were ransacked, that of Pasha Ibrahim among them. The Sultan suppressed the revolt with great difficulties and had to fulfil the demands of the soldiers. King Francis is said to have arrived in Barcelona on 17 June. 5 Serenissime Princeps et Domine, Domine mihi Clementissime. Post mei et servitiorum meorum in gratiam Vestrae Maiestatis humillimam commendationem. [1.] Accepi nudius tertius litteras Vestrae Maiestatis XII. Iunii ad me datas et cum his simul litteras ad Sanctissimum Dominum Nostrum,2 ad reverendissimum dominum Sanctorum IIII3 et quosdam alios, in quibus scribit mihi Vestra Maiestas de negotio ducatus Barensis et de mea in Hispanias profectione.
26 sustineamus correxi ex: sustinemus 7 Presumably Sigismund’s response to Brodarics’ letter on 17 May 1525. 1 Further manuscripts: BK 213 fol. 535–539; BOss 177 fol. 297r–299r; BJ 6549 fol. 569–572; Libri Legationum vol. XXIII, fol. 502–505; BCzart TN 37. fol. 343–348. 2 Pope Clement VII. 3 Cardinal Lorenzo Pucci. Negotium ducatus accepi iam esse in eo statu, ut non sit pro hac magnopere laborandum, admissum esse in possessionem ducatus servitorem Vestrae Maiestatis. Quae si vera sunt, prout mihi pro verissimis sunt relata, non dubito Vestram Maiestatem iam de hoc factam certiorem. Ego tamen sub hoc dubio non omisi tam apud Sanctissimum Dominum Nostrum, quam alibi facere omnia ea, quae hic fieri per me poterant, quaeve mihi a Maiestate Vestra et ab Serenissima et Gratiosissima Domina Mea, Sacratissima Reginali Maiestate fuerunt commissa, et quoniam ipse non sum ad caesarem iturus, egi apud Sanctissimum Dominum Nostrum, ut causam hanc reverendissimo domino, cardinali Salviato legato, diligentissime committeret, qui iuxta instructionem oratoris Vestrae Maiestatis apud caesarem exsistentis4 agere deberet. [2.] Consilium enim meae ad caesarem profectionis fuit mutatum, cuius mutationis vix scirem ego ipse dicere certam causam. Hoc scio, pontificem, ut ad Vestram Maie statem scripseram, fuisse in ipso mei huc adventus principio huius meae profectionis cupidissimum. Nunc vero non ita, neque aliam causam affert, nisi litteras et mandata serenissimi et gratiosissimi domini mei regis serius quam oportebat venisse. Si me illuc ire contigisset, nihil mihi optatius certe fuisset, quam Vestrae Maiestati tam in hoc negotio Barensi, si nondum confectum fuisset, quam in aliis, quae mihi commissa fuissent, servire. Pro pace autem et concordia illorum principum, pro liberatione Christianissimi regis (nam et hoc mihi per clementissimum regem meum fuerat commissum) totis viribus elaborassem. Et ego ita certe existimo, Sapientissime et Clementissime Rex, non futuram fuisse hanc vel meam vel alterius et prudentioris et maioris me Vestrarum Maiestatum servitoris illuc profectionem a statu praesentium rerum atque ab illorum principum nunc inter se tractatibus alienam. Non enim dubito Vestrarum Maiestatum auctoritatem, qui soli cum vestris subditis sustinetis pondus diei et aestus, multum potuisse illos monere, et plus quam omnium reliquorum principum auctoritatem. Sed ego haec me prudentioribus relinquo iudicanda. Ego is sum, cui quicquid per Vestras Maiestates oneris, quod humeri mei ferre possint, iniungetur, libens feram etiam si longe ultra Hispanias mihi esset in servitiis Vestrarum Maiestatum eundum. Et quidem de his ac de negotio Barensi hactenus. Venio ad alia.
[3.] Cum pontifex litteras de foedere per Vestram Maiestatem cum Turca inito et de pace cum illustrissimo magistro Prussiae facta perlegisset, et cum ego paucis verbis utriusque rei causas, quas et antea a me audiverat, ei exposuissem, multa mecum et reverendissimo domino cardinali Caesio,5 qui pro reverendissimo domino cardinale Sanctorum IIII6 nunc absente aderat, est locutus. Quorum omnium illa est summa: sese Vestram Maiestatem de foedere cum Turca inito habere excusatam, neque miraturum, si rex etiam Hungariae Vestrae Maiestatis exemplum secutus idem faciet. Nam et de hoc dominum etiam meum clementissimum idem tractare pontifex non est nescius. Totam hanc rem, quomodocunque cadat, non Vestris Maiestatibus, quae a tot annis hostes Christianae reipublicae solae sustineretis, sed principibus Christianis, qui nullo modo ad pacem induci possent, esse inputandam.
4 5 Johannes Dantiscus. On him see notes for the previous letter. Paulo Emilio Cesi (1481–1537), Cardinal of Umbrian origin. 6 Cardinal Lorenzo Pucci. [4.] De negotio vero Prutenico repetivit illa eadem, quae superioribus diebus dixerat et quae ego ad Vestram Maiestatem perscripseram7 multa tamen questus de magistro,8 qui Sede Apostolica inconsulta religionem a sola Sede Apostolica dependentem hoc pacto profanavisset: il*lum il*lum9 in Sedem Apostolicam gravissime deliquisse. Quibus de rebus pontifex et ipse scribit ad Vestram Maiestatem, quae litterae adhuc expediri non potuerunt, mittentur per primam mittendi occasionem. Sed quicquid pontifex ex sacri fortasse collegii inductione, nam cum eis est rem communicaturus, scripserit, illam esse sciat Vestra Maiestas pontificis mentem, quam perscripsi et nullam aliam. Utinam clementissimus dominus meus factum Vestrae Maiestatis in foedere cum Turca ineundo sequeretur. Quod si non fiat, timeo, ne omnino actum sit de nobis. Qua de re neque praesens destiti assidue apud eos, ubi id faciendum videbatur, loqui et clamare, neque hinc scribere. Deus det suae maiestati et dominis meis suae maiestatis consiliariis talem mentem, ne illud nobilissimum ac potentissimum regnum sub spe nescio quarum expeditionum amittant.
[5.] Novi nihil est, nisi quod de regis Franciae in Hispaniam adventu nihil adhuc habemus, neque scimus, quid speremus aut quid desperemus. Nuper, quod Vestrae Maiestati scripseram, in maximam spem pacis erecti eramus, quae non est illa quidem adhuc penitus sublata sed certe non parum diminuta. Venerunt nova de Constantinopoli, quae Vestra Maiestas intellexisse potuit. Milites prae torianos, quos Ianyczeros vocant, seditione facta, quod augeri sibi stipem annuam postu labant, plures domos et inter ceteras Imbraym bassae et nonnullorum aliorum diripuisse atque in praedam vertisse, adortos deinde locum, in quo thesaurus imperatoris servatur, eum locum expugnare non potuisse, imperatorem aegre tandem seditione oppressa coactum id facere, quod milites postulaverant. Haec pro re vera et certa huc scripta fuerunt.10
50 Reverendissimus dominus Premisliensis habet has notas in marg. eadam manu add. 17 multa tamen ... gravissime deliquisse – this is written in cipher in the original. (I am indebted for decoding the cipher to Hanna Vámos and István Vadai.) 18 Albrecht von Brandenburg (1490–1568), Grand Master of the Teutonic Order, brother of Georg von Brandenburg who played an important role in Hungary. Maximilian I appointed him Grand Master of the Knights in 1510. As such, he broke the peace pact signed in Toruń in 1466 and provoked a war with Poland that lasted between 1519–21. This ended in a heavy defeat for the Knighthood. Later he became Evangelical Lutheran, secularised estates of the Knighthood, and created a secular state in its place by the name of Prussian Duchy. In April 1525 he gave fealty to the Polish King. More about this: Marian Biskup, Das Ende des Deutschordensstaates Preussen im Jahre 1525 = Josef Flenckenstein–Manfred Hellman (hrsg.), Die geistlichen Ritterorden Europas, Sigmaringen, 1980, 403–416. 19 In the decoded text there is a graphic sign in the middle of the group of characters decoded as illum illum that is not a letter. We might conclude than that illum illum stands for the name of Albrecht von Brandenburg. 10 The riot of the janissaries, who had been discontent because there had been no campaigns since the occupation of Rhodos back in 1522, erupted in March 1525 in Istanbul. Rioters demanded resignation of the Grand Vizier and his house was looted. Suleyman’s personal bravery played an important part in suppressing the rebellion. Compare: Káldy-Nagy Gyula, Szulejmán... 62–63. Me et servitia mea in gratiam Vestrae Maiestatis rursus supplex commendo. Romae 4. Iulii 1525. Supervenerunt litterae ex Hispania, regem Christianissimum XVII. mensis Iunii proxime praeteriti ad portum Barcinonae appulisse. Eiusdem Vestrae Sacratissimae Maiestatis humillimus minimus servulus Stephanus Brodericus praepositus Quinqueecclesiensis On the outer side: Sacratissimae regiae maiestati Poloniae, magno duci Lithvaniae etc. domino mihi clementissimo.Interpretatio schedae oratoris domini regis Hungariae per cifram scriptae1 Si Maiestas Vestra habet aliquam bonam occasionem faciendae pacis cum Turca, fortasse non erit malum, non pendere a spe istius pacis inter Christianos, quae parva est, immo nulla, neque credo aliquid secuturum. In causa est, quod rex Angliae ma nam partem Galliae petit, a quo non poterit separari. Caesar, licet his diebus exorti g fuerint quidam contrarii rumores, qui iam rursus non creduntur esse veri, de quibusdam alienationibus mentium inter caesarem et Anglum et
meliori spe pacis, quae omnia credo esse vana. Si Maiestas Vestra faciet pacem, et si non vult extremum excidium nepotis sui et regnorum eius, includendus videtur ipse quoque et regna illius in hanc pacem.It is not placed with the text of the letter but in a separate volume (BN. T. 28. fol. 164r). We do not have the slip of paper with the cipher, only the deciphered text can be read. At the same time, the legate mentioned is definitely Brodarics, since the reference is to the younger cousin of Sigismund, Louis II, and his envoy was Brodarics. The fact that this slip of paper belongs to this particular letter follows from subsequent manuscripts (BK 213 fol. 539; BJ 6549 fol. 572). Another manuscript: BCzart TN 37. fol. 869. 48 Bona Sforza1 to István Brodarics Cracow, 5 July 1525 Manuscript used: BCzart TN 37. fol. 355.2 Published: Acta Tomiciana VII. 299. Brodarics has been very industrious in the matter of the Duchy of Bari. Bona Sforza is asking him to help their envoy Johannes Dantiscus in every possible way. 5 Bona, Dei gratia regina Poloniae, magna dux Lithvaniae, Russiae, Prussiaeque etc. domina. Reverende Pater, Domine sincere nobis Dilecte. Scimus nos Paternitatem Tuam negotiis nostris Barensibus, utpote et iustissimis et aequissimis esse ex corde affectum, eo maxime, quod id ab utraque maiestate sua in commissis habeat, ut nomine illarum maiestatum hoc idem apud caesaream et catholicam maiestatem efficaciter promovere
t . Nunc cupimus, et si par sit, rogamus, assistet ibi oratori nostro, magnifico Ioanni Dantisco,3 et in quibus auxilium suum postulaverit, ita illud impendere velit, quemadmodum rebus nostris prodesse noverit. Nos enim praefato oratori nostro ad Tuam Paternitatem singulare iussimus habere refugium, nam illam scimus ibidem non parvi valere et reputari. Nos, quando poterimus Paternitati Tuae omni nostra gratitudine id rependere curabimus, quam optime valere cupimus.Datum Cracoviae die quinta Iulii millesimo quingentesimo vigesimo quinto. Ea commissione sacrae reginalis maiestatis propria 7 promoveret correxi ex: promovere. AT: promoveret. 8 assistet ibi: assistat AT 9 auxilium suum: suum auxilium AT 14 die quinta Iulii: V. Iulii AT 15 Ea ... propria om. AT 1 Bona Sforza (1494–1557), daughter of Gian Galeazzo Sforza and Isabella of Aragon. Wife of Polish King Sigismund from 1517. More on her life: Władisław Pociecha, Królowa Bona (1494–1557) I–IV, Poznań, 1949–1958. 2 The manuscript in the Naruszewicz Collection served as the basis of publication. Since this is a replica from the 18th century, I gave variants of the text published in volume VII of Acta Tomiciana in the critical apparatus, because that one is based on a codex from Kórnik from the 16th or 17th century. According to Władisław Pociecha (Władisław Pociecha, Królowa Bona ... 545.), this letter has a replica in the Czartoryski Library, on page 62 of manuscript 3645. However, in the catalogue of manuscripts in the Czartoryski Library the item with this number contains accounts of a Conventual Franciscan monastery from the 18th century. 3 Bona Sforza also asked Dantiscus in his letter dated 5 July to make moves with the Emperor in connection to the issue of the Duchy of Bari, and to utilise Brodarics’ help. Compare: AT VII. 297–298. 49 István Brodarics to Sigismund I Rome, 4 August 1525 Manuscript used: BN T. 6. fol. 58r.1 Published: Acta Tomiciana VII. 318. He has no new information since his last letter. He has heard that the riot is calming down slowly; Archduke Ferdinand’s troops set out to rescue Archbishop of Salzburg, who is being besieged by peasants. 5 Sacra Regia Maiestas et Domine, Domine mihi Gratiosissime. Post mei et servitiorum meorum in gratiam Vestrae Maiestatis humillimam commendationem. Nunc nihil est quod scribam, nisi velim eadem repetere, quae proxime scripsi per alium servitorem Vestrae Maiestatis. Nondum aliquid certi ex Hispania venit. Res Germanicae quietiores sunt;2 principem Ferdinandum intelligimus ire cum copiis suis ad liberandum ab obsidione dominum cardinalem Salczpurgensem obsessum a subditis suis.3 Ego meam fidelem servitutem in gratiam Vestrae Maiestatis supplex commendo. Quam Deus conservare dignetur diu et incolumem et victoriosam.
Romae 4. Augusti 1525. Eiusdem Vestrae Sacratissimae Maiestatis minimus servulus Stephanus Brodericus orator Further manuscripts: BK 213 fol. 539–540; BJ 6549 fol. 585; BCzart TN 37. fol. 413. No doubt, Brodarics refers to the peasants’ war that hit South-Germany. 3 Rising peasants blockaded Archbishop of Salzburg Matthäus Lang (1468–1540) and he had to flee into the citadel. In fact, troops of the Bavarian princes, not of Ferdinand drove out the peasant army from Salzburg. 2 1 50 István Brodarics to Clement VII Buda, 13 September 1525 Manuscript used: ASV, Principi, vol. 3. fol. 279r–v. Published: Theiner Augustin, Vetera monumenta historica Hungariam sacram illustrantia II., Romae, 1860, 653–654.; Bessenyei József, Lettere di principi (1518–1578), Roma–Budapest, 2002, 79–81. 1. He arrived at Buda 21 days after leaving Rome. He found the King and the Queen on Csepel Island. He passed on the Pope’s message to them there. – 2. He has not yet received an answer regarding the matter of envoys to be sent to the Emperor. – 3. He told what the Pope commissioned him to tell to Archbishop of Esztergom László Szalkai who has preserved his old influence. – 4. He will learn about other matters from a letter from Baron Burgio. Beatissime Pater ac Domine, Domine Clementissime. Post pedum Vestrae Sanctitatis oscula beatorum et meae servitutis humillimam commendationem. [1.] Ego postquam a Vestra Sanctitate discessi XXImo die Budam perveni. Ubi cum maiestatem regiam non reperiissem, quae ad insulam Chepel animi causa secesserat, illic maiestatem suam et serenissimam dominam meam reginam conveni. Benigne ab eis exceptus. Quibus cum mandata Vestrae Sanctitatis exposuissem, gratissimo animo omnia audivere, praesertim Vestrae erga se Sanctitatis tantum ac tam paternum amorem et de rebus huius regni curam.
[2.] De oratoribus ad caesarem maiestatem mittendis, et de quibusdam aliis rebus nondum responsum habui.1 Postquam habuero, Vestram Sanctitatem faciam de rebus omnibus certiorem.
[3.] Fui postea cum reverendissimo domino Strigoniensi,2 qui certe singulari obser vantia, quod et coram semper testatus sum, Vestram prosequitur Sanctitatem. Contuli cum eo Vestrae Sanctitatis nomine de rebus illis, de quibus conferendum erat.3 Videtur optima praeditus mente. Est in eadem, in qua antea fuit, auctoritate. Cum palatino novo domino Stephano,4 et cum domino vayvoda5 et aliis omnibus primariis viris coniunctus,6 Vestrae, ut dixi, Sanctitatis atque istius Sanctae Sedis observandissimus.
[4.] Illud negotium7 quo in statu sit, Vestra Sanctitas ex litteris domini baronis8 intelliget. Ego, quicquid sequatur, video, quantum Vestrae Sanctitati ob eius tantam in me benignitatem, et in re mea curam ac studium favoremque debeam. Cuius quidem mei debiti nunquam ero immemor. De comite Christophoro,9 de regiae maiestatis peregrinatione,10 de principum 9
post maiestatem: nondum del. 11 Regarding this see the letter by Louis II to the Pope on 30 September 1525. Compare: Theiner Augustin, Vetera monumenta Hungariam... 655. 12 Archbishop of Esztergom László Szalkai. 13 Brodarics had a letter of recommendation from the Pope addressed to Szalkai. Compare: Theiner Augustin, Vetera monumenta Hungariam... 651–652. 14 István Werbőczy (around 1458–1541), scholar of law, leading figure of the party of lesser noblemen. He was elected Palatine on 6 July 1525 replaced István Báthori. He was in office until April 1526. More on his life: Fraknói Vilmos, Werbőczi István életrajza, Budapest, 1899. 15 János Szapolyai, Transylvanian Voivod. 16 On this see Burgio’s letter on 11 July 1525 among others. Bartoniek, Mohács Magyarországa... 19–24. 17 Quite probably, this refers to the appointment of Brodarics as Chancellor. The major obstacle was Szalkai himself who did not want to resign and wanted Bishop of Veszprém Tamás Szalaházy to replace him. Clement VII, in his letter on 8 August 1525, recommended Brodarics to the position. Compare: Theiner Augustin, Vetera monumenta Hungariam... 651. 18 See Burgio’s report on 13 September 1525. Magyarországi pápai követek jelentései 1524–1526. Budapest, 2001, 263–266. 19 Since Kristóf Frangepán entered into an argument with Archbishop Szalkai that ended in violence, King Louis threw him into dungeon. See Burgio’s report on 13 September 1525. Magyarországi pápai követek jelentései... 264. 10 We know from Burgio’s report on 13 September that they planned to go to Slavonia first and then to Moravia. See Magyarországi pápai követek jelentései... 264. nostrorum conventu11 nihil scribo. Non ignarus Vestram Sanctitatem et de his et de aliis omnibus litteris domini baronis factam esse certiorem. Meam humillimam servitutem ad pedum pulveres Vestrae Sanctitatis supplex humillime commendo. Quam Deus semper felicem atque incolumem conservet. Ex Buda XIII. Septembris 1525. Eiusdem Vestrae Sanctitatis Creatura et humillimus servulus Stephanus Brodericus
